AN  INTRODUCTION 

TO 

OLD    FRENCH 
PHONOLOGY  AND    MORPHOLOGY 

(^Revised  and  Enlarged^ 
BY 

FREDERICK  BLISS  LUQUIENS 

COLGATE   PROFESSOR   OF  SPANISH   IN  YALE  UNIVERSITY 


NEW  HAVEN 

YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON,  HUMPHREY  MILFORD,  OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

MDCCCCXXVI 


COPYRIGHT,    1909 
BY  YALE  UNIVERSITY   PRESS 


First  published,  June,  1909 

Second  edition,  June,  1919 

Second  printing,  second  edition,  November,  1926 


TO 

EUGENE  F.  BLISS 


Q18486 


PREFACE 


This  grammar  is  intended  not  only  to  introduce  beginners  to  the 
study  of  Old  French  phonology  and  morphology  from  the  historical 
point  of  view,  but  also  to  facilitate  their  progress  to  an  advanced 
grammar. 

The  latter  aim  has  governed  the  arrangement  of  the  book,  inasmuch 
as  the  author  has  endeavored  to  reproduce,  even  to  the  paragraph- 
notation,  the  arrangement  of  that  advanced  grammar  which  is  by  most 
teachers  considered  the  best — the  Grammatik  des  Altfranzosischen  of 
Eduard  Schwan  and  Dietrich  Behrens.*  He  trusts  that  he  has  thus 
made  it  possible  for  students  to  acquire,  before  beginning  to  use  the 
Grammatik  des  Altfranzosischen,  a  lasting  appreciation  of  its  logical- 
ness  of  structure,  a  quality  which,  in  the  Grammatik  itself,  is  all  but 
obscured  by  the  complexities  of  detail  unavoidable  in  an  advanced 
grammar.  Even  after  the  step  from  the  elementary  to  the  advanced 
grammar,  the  former  will  perhaps  be  useful  for  a  time,  not  only  by 
its  elucidations  of  difficult  points,  but  also  by  its  renderings  into 
English  of  important  technical  terms.  Thus  students  may  be  able  to 
gain  gradually,  almost  unconsciously,  the  ability  to  use  a  tool  by 
means  of  which  practically  all  the  problems  of  Old  French  phonology 
and  morphology  can  be  solved. 

The  omission  of  an  alphabetical  index  is  intentional.  It  is 
essential  that  students  shall  thoroughly  understand  the  structure  of 
the  elementary  grammar,  in  order  to  understand,  later,  that  of 
the  Grammatik.  An  alphabetical  index,  therefore,  might  prove 
detrimental,  inasmuch  as  it  would  allow  them  to  overlook  the  table 

*  Grammatik  des  Altfranzosischen  von  Dr.  Eduard  Schwan,  neu  bearbeitet  von 
Dr.  Dietrich  Behrens ;  zehnte  Auflage ;  Leipzig,  1914.  There  is  a  French 
translation  :  Grammaire  de  I' ancien fran$ais,  traduction  franyaise  d'apr£s  la  4me 
edition  allemande,  par  Oscar  Bloch,  avec  une  preface  de  F.  Brunot ;  Leipzig,  1900. 

1  5 


6  PREFACE 

of  contents,  or  to  shirk  the  use  of  cross-references,  thus  hindering 
them  from  realizing  how  logical  that  structure  is. 

The  book  contains  several  pedagogical  devices  unusual  in  Old 
French  grammars.  For  instance,  the  irregular  verbs  are  presented 
after  the  manner  of  most  grammars  of  modern  French,  with  the 
methods  of  which  students  of  Old  French  are  presumably  acquainted. 
Again,  in  most  of  the  paradigms  Old  French  forms  and  related 
Latin  forms  are  so  presented  that  even  a  slight  knowledge  of  Latin 
may  help  the  memory.  A  glossary  of  technical  terms  has  been 
provided  for  those  who  are  not  used  to  the  historical  study  of  lan- 
guage. 

Much  in  the  book  may  impress  adepts  in  Old  French  as  too 
categorical.  To  the  author,  nowever,  it  often  seemed  expedient,  for 
pedagogical  reasons,  to  leave  the  beginner  in  ignorance  of  confusing 
difficulties.  No  harm  will  result,  for  the  student  will  find  those 
difficulties  presented  and  discussed  in  the  Grammatik.  Nor  should 
the  occasional  occurrence  of  absolute  differences  between  the  two 
grammars  lead  to  confusion,  for  the  excellent  bibliography  of  the 
Grammatik  will  always  supply  a  means  of  independent  decision.  And 
in  the  investigation  of  all  such  difficulties  and  differences,  if  we  may 
press  once  more  the  point  already  emphasized,  the  student  will  be 
greatly  aided  by  the  fact  that  his  three  tools — the  elementary  gram- 
mar, the  Grammatik,  and  the  latter' s  bibliography — correspond  in 
paragraph -notation. 

It  is  evident,  from  what  has  already  been  said,  that  the  author 
is  immeasurably  indebted  to  the  scholarship,  as  well  as  to  the  prac- 
tical skill,  of  the  writers  of  the  Grammatik  des  Altfranzosischen. 
Moreover,  since  in  an  elementary  grammar  it  is  hardly  feasible  to 
acknowledge  indebtedness  in  detail,  he  acknowledges  a  general 
indebtedness  to  investigators  in  the  field  of  Romance  philology, 
especially,  of  course,  to  those  two  masters,  Professor  Kr.  Nyrop,  and 
Professor  W.  Meyer-Liibke. 

For  personal  assistance  throughout  his  work  he  is  inexpressibly 
grateful  to  Professor  H.  R.  Lang  and  to  Professor  A.  S.  Cook.  To 


PREFACE  7 

Professor  Hanns  Oertel,  to  Professor  C.  U.  Clark,  and  to  Professor  C. 
C.  Clarke,  Jr.,  he  owes  several  important  suggestions. 

Those  who  use  this  book,  either  as  teachers  or  as  students,  will  find 
errors — not  too  many,  let  us  hope.  Doubtless  they  will  also  desire, 
on  pedagogical  grounds,  various  additions  and  subtractions.  For  all 
criticisms  the  author  will  be  extremely  thankful.  Such  help  will  be 
invaluable  in  the  event  of  a  second  edition. 

FREDERICK  BLISS  LUQUIENS. 

Sheffield  Scientific  School  of  Yak  University,  June,  1909. 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION 


This  edition  has  not  only  been  carefully  revised.  In  order  that 
teachers  may  understand  how  the  book  may  be  most  effectively  used, 
a  chapter  of  explicit  instructions  has  been  added  to  the  Appendix. 

The  revision  and  the  additions  could  not  have  been  made  without 
the  assistance  of  Mr.  R.  J.  Menner,  who  is  at  present  giving  a  course 
in  Old  French  in  the  Yale  Graduate  School.  The  author  cannot  ad- 
equately express  his  gratitude  to  Mr.  Menner. 

F.   B.  L. 

Sheffield  Scientific  School  of  Yale    University,   November,   1917. 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION 

Historical  and  Geographical  Survey 


SECTIONS 
1-9 


PART  I -PHONOLOGY 
I.   General  Remarks  on  Phonological  Changes...        10-14 

Discussion  of  Phonological  Changes  (10-12)  ;  Reference 
Lists  of  Phonetic  Symbols  and  Abbreviations,  and  Gloss- 
ary of  Scientific  Terms  (13-14). 

II.   The   Differences   between   Vulgar   Latin    and 

Classical  Latin 15-30 

Stress  (15)  ;  Vowels  (16-20);  Consonants  (21-28)  ;  Bor- 
rowed Words  (29-30). 

III.  The  First  Old  French  Period 

Vowels 31-102 

Introductory  Explanation  (31-34)  ;  Tonic  Vowels  (35-75)  ; 
Posttonic  Vowels  (76-78)  ;  Pretonic  Vowels  (79-102). 

Consonants 103-206 

Introductory  Explanation  (103)  ;  Labials  (104-114)  ;  Den- 
tals (115-132)  ;  Palatals  (133-164)  ;  Liquids  (165-176)  ; 
h  (177)  ;  Nasal  Consonants  (178-190)  ;  Palatalized  Con- 
sonants (191-205)  ;  Labialized  Consonants  (206). 

IV.  The  Second  Old  French  Period 

Vowels 207-271 

Introductory  Explanation  (207)  ;  Oral  Tonic  Vowels  and 
Diphthongs  (208-248)  ;  Nasal  Tonic  Vowels  and  Diph- 
thongs (249-263)  ;  Posttonic  Vowels  (264-265)  ;  Pre- 
tonic Vowels  (266-271). 

8 


CONTENTS  9 

SECTIONS 

Consonants 272-282J 

Introductory  Explanation  (272)  ;  Simple  Consonants  (273- 
277)  ;  Consonant  Groups  (278-282£). 


PART  II-  MORPHOLOGY 
I.   Declension 

Nouns  in  Vulgar  Latin,   and    during   the  First  Old 

French  Period 283-290 

Introductory  Explanation  (283-287);  Paradigms  (288-290). 

Nouns  during  the  Second  Old  French  Period 291-300 

Introductory  Explanation  (291)  ;  Paradigms  (292-300). 

Adjectives 301-310 

During  the  First  Period  (301-302)  ;  during  the  Second 
Period  (303-306)  ;  Comparison  of  Adjectives  (307-310). 

Adverbs 311-313 

Numerals 314-319 

Pronouns  and  Pronominal  Adjectives 320-336 

Introductory  Explanation  (320)  ;  Personal  Pronouns  (321- 
325) ;  Possessives  (326-329)  ;  Demonstratives  (330-33;;)  ; 
the  Definite  Article  (333)  ;  Relatives  and  Interrogatives 
(334-335)  ;  Indefinites  (336). 

II.  Conjugation 

In  Vulgar  Latin,    and  during  the  First  Old  French 

Period 337-350 

Introductory  Explanation  (337)  ;  the  Vulgar  Latin — Old 
French  Conjugation  System  (338)  ;  Endings  (339-346)  ; 
Stems  (347-350). 

During  the  Second  Old  French  Period 351-430 

Paradigms  of  Weak,  I  (351-360)  ;  Irregular  Verbs  of  Weak, 
I  (361)  ;  Paradigms  of  Weak,  II.  a  (362-371)  ;  Irregu- 
lar Verbs  of  Weak,  II.  a  (371 £)  ;  Paradigms  of  Weak, 
II.  b  (372-373)  ;  Irregular  Verb  of  Weak,  II.  b  (373£)  ; 


10  CONTENTS 

SECTIONS 

Paradigms  of  Weak,  III  (374-381)  ;  Irregular  Verbs  of 
Weak,  III  (381J)  ;  Paradigms  of  Strong,  I  (382-385)  ; 
Paradigms  of  Strong,  II  (386-403)  ;  Paradigms  of 
Strong,  III  (404-430). 

Reference  List  of  Irregular  Verbs 431 

APPENDIX 

How  to  Use  this  Book. 


AN  INTRODUCTION  TO 
OLD  FRENCH  PHONOLOGY  AND  MORPHOLOGY 


INTRODUCTION 
HISTORICAL  AND  GEOGRAPHICAL  SURVEY 


1-4.  Old  French  was  the  transitional  stage  between  Latin  and 
modern  French.  By  '  Latin, '  however,  we  do  not  mean  the  standard 
Latin  of  grammars  and  dictionaries,  the  so-called  Classical  Latin, 
written  by  authors  and  declaimed  by  orators  just  before  and  just 
after  the  beginning  of  our  era.  We  mean  what  scholars  term  Vulgar 
Latin,  that  language  which  was  Rome's  medium  of  informal  inter- 
course from  the  earliest  days  to  the  fall  of  the  Western  Roman 
Empire,  a  constantly  developing  language,  Classical  Latin  being  the 
artificial  perfection  and  crystallization  of  one  of  its  stages.  This 
Vulgar  Latin,  carried  abroad  by  Roman  soldiers  and  colonists,  was 
forthwith  adopted  by  the  nations  which  had  been  conquered  and 
Romanized.  But  it  developed  differently  in  the  various  provinces, 
partly  because  of  differences  in  the  date  of  Romanization,  partly 
because  of  differences  in  the  nations  Romanized,  thus  resulting  in  the 
various  Romance  languages.  The  Vulgar  Latin  carried  into  northern 
Gaul  developed  into  Old  French.  Sc  gradual  was  the  change  that 
it  is  impossible  to  say  when  Vulgar  Latin  ceased  and  Old  French 
began  ;  for  reasons  of  convenience,  however,  the  year  600  of  our  era 
is  often  adopted  as  the  point  of  demarcation. 

We  have  spoken  of  the  '  development '  of  that  language  which 
is  called,  in  its  successive  stages,  Vulgar  Latin,  Old  French, 
and  modern  French.  We  mean  that  this  language,  from  its 
beginnings  until  now,  has  ever  been  changing  in  accordance  with 
unchanging  tendencies.  For  the  genius  of  a  language  consists  of 
tendencies  just  as  marked,  and  just  as  inexplicable,  as  those  which 
constitute  the  genius  of  a  nation.  In  the  case  of  the  language  in 
question  two  such  tendencies  are  dominant:  the  one  governing  the 

11 


12  INTRODUCTION 

development  of  its  pronunciation  ;  the  other,  that  of  its  grammatical 
forms.  Its  pronunciation  has  constantly  shown  an  extreme  tendency 
toward  contraction.  This  becomes  very  clear  on  comparing  different 
stages,  so  to  speak,  of  one  and  the  same  sentence.  Let  us  take  the 
modern  French  sentence  Voici  le  soleil  qui  disparait  derriere  ces  nuages, 
and  present  it  successively  at  its  Vulgar  Latin,  Old  French,  and 
modern  French  stage  (Vulgar  Latin  and  Old  French  were  pronounced 
practically  as  they  look  ;  for  the  modern  French  we  use  the  phonetic 
signs  explained  in  13-14)  : 

Vide  ecce-hic  ilium  soliculum  qui  disparescit  de-retro  ecce-istos  nubaticos* 
Veit  ci  le  soleil  qui  dispareist  deriedre  ces  nuages. 
Vivasil  sglgy  ki  disparg  derygr  se 


So  much  for  the  pronunciation.  As  to  the  grammatical  forms,  they 
J[_have  constantly  tended  toward  a  more  analytic  condition.  For 
example,  whereas  early  Vulgar  Latin  possessed  six  cases  in  noun- 
declension,  Old  French  possessed  only  two,  and  modern  French 
possesses  only  one  ;  this  decrease  in  inflected  forms  necessitating, 
naturally,  a  corresponding  increase  of  prepositional  constructions. 

This  grammar,  then,  is  a  history  of  how  Old  French  developed,  in 
accordance  with  these  two  innate  tendencies,  out  of  Vulgar  Latin  and 
r       into  modern  French. 

Note.  Our  knowledge  of  Vulgar  Latin  is  based  mainly  on  (1)  remarks  of 
ancient  and  mediaeval  grammarians,  who  often  mention  words  and  expressions  as 
contrary  to  the  best  usage  ;  (2)  certain  linguistic  remains,  such  as  inscriptions 
and  private  documents,  which  contain  informal  Latin  ;  (3)  inferences  from  the 
comparative  study  of  the  Komance  languages.  Our  knowledge  of  Old  French  is 
based  mainly  on  documents  of  the  times.  But  since  the  oldest  document  is  of  the 
ninth  century,  the  beginnings  of  Old  French  must  be  inferred  from  later  Old 
French  and  from  Vulgar  Latin. 

5.    Old  French  contained,  in  addition  to  the  Vulgar  Latin  words 
which  formed  the  greater  part  of  its  vocabulary,   a  very  few  Celtic 

f  These  examples  are  taken,  with  several  modifications,  from  Arsene  Darme- 
steter'  s  Cours  de  Grammaire  Historique  de  La  Langue  Fran$aise,  §  1  22. 


HISTORICAL  AND   GEOGRAPHICAL  SURVEY  13 

words,  the  scanty  linguistic  legacy  of  the  pre-Roman  inhabitants  of 
Gajil  ;  and  some  hundreds  of  Germanic  words,  contributed  by  the 
Germanic  invaders  of  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries. 

6.  Old  French  was  spoken  in  almost  all  of  the  northern  half  of 
France.     The.  peninsula  of  Brittany,  though  Romanized  during  the 
first  centuries  of  our  era,  had  been  re-Celtized,  during  the  fifth  and 
sixth   centuries,  J>y__Celt;s  from   England.     In   the  southern  half  of 
France  another  of  the  Romance  languages,  Provenyal,  was  spoken. 

7.  Old  French  was  divided  into  dialects.     We  are  accustomed  to 
call  these  dialects  by  the  names  of  the  mediaeval  provinces  of  France. 
Of  these  dialects  the  most  important  was  the  He  de  France  dialect. 

8.  He  de  France  was  that  province  of  which  Paris  was  the  capital. 
As   Paris  became  politically  more  and   more  important,  the   He  de 
France  dialect  was  more  and  more  widely  accepted  as  the  best  French. 
After  the  middle  of  thejtwelfth  century  the  majority  of  the  authors  of 
northern  France  used  it,  and  -to  this  day  the  He  de  France  dialect  is 
the  standard  French.     This  grammar  is  a  grammar  of  the  mediaeval 
He  de  France  dialect  only,  but  we  use  the  term  Old  French  for  various 
reasons  of  convenience. 

9.  It  is  of  course  impossible  to  say  just  when  Old  French  became 
modern  French.     We  may  arbitrarily  choose  1515,  the  year  in  which 
Francis  I   ascended  the  throne,  to   mark   the  end  of  Old   French. 
For  convenience  of  treatment,  we  shall  cut  the  whole  Old  French 
period  in  two  at  about  the  year   1100.    From  ca.  600  to  ca. 
1100  we  shall  call  the  'first  Old  French  period';   from  ca.  1100 
to  ca.  1515  the  '  second  Old  French  period.' 


PART  I 
PHONOLOGY 

CHAPTER  I 
GENERAL  REMARKS  ON  PHONOLOGICAL  CHANGES 


1O-11.  As  a  language  passes  from  one  period  of  its  existence  into 
another,  its  sounds  undergo  a  great  number  of  changes,  called  '  pho- 
nological changes. '  These  changes  are  not  capricious  ;  on  the  con- 
trary, they  show  great  regularity.  For  example,  the  c  of  very  many 
Vulgar  Latin  words  changed  to  Old  French  eh.  When  this  change  is 
more  closely  examined,  however,  it  appears  :  (1)  that  it  took  place 
throughout  the  province  of  He  de  France,  but  that  it  did  not  take  place 
in  certain  other  provinces  ;  (2)  that  it  took  place  only  during  the  first 
Old  French  period  ;  i.  e.,  that  any  c  which  had  not  changed  to  ch  by 
ca.  1100,  did  not  do  so  after  that  date  ;  (3)  that  in  the  He  de  France 
dialect  of  the  first  period,  it  practically  never  took  place  unless  c  was 
followed  by  a  ;  and,  furthermore,  unless  such  a  c  was  either  initial  in 
a  word,  or  initial  in  a  syllable  preceded  by  a  syllable  ending  in  a  con- 
sonant. In  other  terms,  the  change  was  limited  (1)  in  space,  (2)  in 
time,  and  (3)  by  the  relation  of  the  sound  in  question  to  adjacent 
sounds.  As  we  find  that  all  phonological  changes  which  we  are  able 
to  investigate  are  subject  to  these  three  restrictions,  we  are  led  to  the 
following  general  assumption  :  like  sounds,  within  like  limits  of  space 
and  time,  and  standing  in  like  relations  to  adjacent  sounds,  develop 
in  like  manner.  It  is  because  of  their  belief  in  this  general 
assumption  that  grammarians  present  phonological  changes  in  the 
form  of  rules  or  'laws.'  Part  I  of  this  book  is  a  systematic 
presentation  of  the  *  phonological  laws '  of  Old  French. 
14 


PHONOLOGICAL  CHANGES  15 

The  influence  of  analogy  often  causes  like  sounds  within  like  limits 
of  space  and  time  to  develop  in  different  ways.  For  example,  the 
early  Vulgar  Latin  word  gravem  became  in  later  Vulgar  Latin  grevem 
(although  regularly  a  remained  unchanged  throughout  the  Vulgar 
Latin  period)  from  analogy  with  levem,  with  which  it  had  in  common 
the  idea  of  weight. 

Syntactic  conditions  sometimes  cause  like  sounds  within  like  limits 
of  space  and  time  to  develop  in  different  ways.     For  example,  the 
Vulgar  Latin  personal  pronoun  me  resulted,  when  stressed,  in  Old    L, 
French  mei  ;   when  unstressed,  in   Old  French  me.     Phenomena  of 
this  kind  are  called  phenomena  of  '  syntactic  phonology. ' 

Note.  Every  phonological  change  has  a  cause  and  a  manner.  In  this  gram- 
mar, however,  we  shall  deal  with  neither,  except  in  very  rare  cases  :  to  state  the 
cause  of  a  phonological  change  is  seldom  possible  (cf.  page  11,  line  25)  ;  to  de- 
scribe the  manner  would  require  too  much  space.  We  may  illustrate  by  a  discus- 
sion of  the  change,  during  the  Vulgar  Latin  period,  of  $  to  e  ( this  is  the  change 
mentioned  in  16-20).  It  is  impossible  to  state  the  cause  of  this  change.  But  its 
manner  may  be  described.  First,  as  to  the  change  of  i  to  e,  without  considering 
the  change  in  quantity  :  to  pronounce  the  Vulgar  Latin  sound  'I  (approximately 
the  sound  of  i  in  English  pin)  the  tongue  had  to  be  raised  quite  high  ;  the  people 
of  early  France,  however,  contracted  the  habit  of  not  raising  the  tongue  so  high 
when  they  attempted  that  sound  ;  but,  if  the  tongue  is  raised  not  quite  high 
enough  for  I,  the  result  is  t  (approximately  the  sound  of  e  in  English  they),  as 
self-experiment  will  easily  prove.  Secondly,  as  to  the  fact  that  I  became  e  rather 
than  8:  «  may  be  pronounced  either  'close'  or  'open'  (compare  English  they 
and  there),  the  tongue  being  raised  higher  for  close  e  ;  when  t  was  slurred,  the 
tongue  at  least  attained  to  the  next  highest  elevation,  that  of  close  e  ;  but  in 
Vulgar  Latin  close  vowels  were  usually  long,  and  the  close  e  which  resulted 
from  I  was  no  exception.  Thus  we  have  fully  described  the  manner  of  the  change 
$  to  e  :  it  is  evident  that  a  brief  grammar  cannot,  except  in  rare  cases,  afford  space 
for  such  description. 

12.  Words  may  be  either  inherited  or  borrowed.  An  inherited 
word  is  one  which  has  been  present  in  a  language  from  the  beginning  of 
that  language  ;  in  the  case  of  Old  French,  from  ca.  600.  A  borrowed 
word  is  one  taken  into  a  language  after  the  beginning.  A  borrowed 
word  is  seldom  affected  by  a  phonological  change  which  has  run  its 


16  PHONOLOGICAL  CHANGES^ 

course  previous  to  the  date  of  borrowing  :  imperator,  for  instance, 
which  Old  French  borrowed  ca.  800  from  the  degenerate  Classical 
Latin  (called  by  some  scholars  of  to-day  'Late  Latin,'  by  others 
'  Low  Latin ' )  which  writers  were  then  using,  never  dropped  the  post- 
secondary-stress  e  (compare  modern  French  empereur},  as  all  inherited 
words  had  done  before  ca.  800  (compare  Old  French  temprer,  from 
Vulgar  Latin  temperare').  This  grammar  leaves  borrowed  words 
out  of  consideration,  except  in  a  few  especial  instances. 

Note.  Many  Old  French  words  were  neither  inherited  nor  borrowed,  but 
came  into  existence  by  the  process  called  word-formation.  For  example,  Old 
French  partage  was  not  the  direct  descendant  of  any  Vulgar  Latin  word,  but  was 
the  Old  French  stem  part-  (compare  Old  French  partir,  from  Vulgar  Latin 
partire)  plus  the  Old  French  suffix  -age  (from  Vulgar  Latin  -aticum).  Gram- 
marians call  such  words  derivatives. 

13-14.  The  student  should  constantly  refer  to  this  section. 

The  orthography  of  mediseval  manuscripts  hinders,  rather  than  helps, 
our  understanding  of  mediseval  pronunciation  (compare  modern 
orthography,  which  presents  many  incongruities  with  modern  pro- 
nunciation). Writers  sometimes  used  traditional  orthography  for  a 
sound  long  after  that  sound  had  completely  changed  ;  sometimes,  on 
the  other  hand,  invented  misleading  methods  of  expressing  new 
sounds.  Therefore  we  shall  often  have  to  resort  to  phonetic  transcrip- 
tion of  our  examples.  But  invariable  use  of  phonetic  symbols  might 
prevent  the  student  from  gaining  any  definite  idea  of  mediaeval 
orthography.  Therefore  we  shall  use  them,  as  a  rule,  for  only  that 
sound  (of  our  illustrative  words)  which  is  under  discussion.  Let 
caution  be  used  in  regard  to  the  other  sounds  of  an  example.  For 
instance,  in  the  Old  French  word  vertut,  given  as  an  example  in  84, 
we  phonetically  transcribe  only  the  e  ;  the  u,  however,  is  not  pro- 
nounced like  ou  in  modern  French  tour  (as  is  the  phonetic  symbol  w), 
nor  like  oo  in  English  book  (as  is  the  phonetic  symbol  j*),  nor 
is  the  final  t  pronounced  like  English  t  ;  the  pronunciation  of  these 


PHONETIC  SYMBOLS  17 

sounds  is  explained,  and  phonetically  transcribed,  in  the  sections 
dealing  with  the  development  of  Vulgar  Latin  stressed  u  and  Vulgar 
Latin  t.  But  sounds  other  than  the  one  under  discussion  at  the 
moment  will  be  represented  phonetically  whenever  their  pronuncia- 
tion presents  difficulties  not  easily  solvable.  When  the  phonetic 
transcription  of  a  word  or  sound  is  so  peculiar  as  to  make 
identification  difficult,  the  mediaeval  orthography  will  be  added 
in  brackets  []. 

The  student  should  understand  the  following  general  principles  of 
phonetic  transcription.  A  dot  under  a  vowel  signifies  that  the  vowel 
is  '  close ' ;  that  is,  uttered  with  the  mouth  comparatively  closed  (for 
instance,  the  i  of  modern  French  si  is  close,  that  of  English  sit  is 
open).  A  hook  toward  the  right  (c)  signifies  that  the  vowel  is  open  ; 
a  hook  toward  the  left  (o)  that  it  has  an  indefinite,  smothered  pronun- 
ciation, approximate  to  the  u  in  English  but.  In  this  grammar  we 
seldom  mark  the  '  quality, '  as  the  comparative  closeness  or  openness  of  a 
vowel  is  called,  of  unstressed  vowels,  inasmuch  as  unstressed  vowels,  in- 
cluding the  weaker  vowels  of  diphthongs  and  triphthongs,  are  practi- 
cally always  of  an  intermediate  quality.  We  do  not  mark  the  quality  of 
a,  o,  or  it,  inasmuch  as  there  is  great  uncertainty  as  to  their  quality  in 
Old  French  (their  approximate  values  are  given  in  our  alphabetical 
list  of  phonetic  symbols). 

Alphabetical  List  of  Phonetic  Symbols  t 

a  =  a  in  English  cat. 

a  =  a  in  modern  French  an  (35.  Note  3  ;  178.  Note). 

b  =  English  b. 

d  =  English  d. 

d  =  a  sound  resembling  th  in  English  brother,  but  less  audible. 
dz  =  English  ds  in  fads, 
dz  =  English  j. 
\y    e  =  modern  French  e. 

f  The  values  given  are  of  course  only  approximate. 


18  PHONETIC   SYMBOLS 

e  =  the  sound  e  pronounced  with  a  lowering  of  the  soft  palate  ; 
that  is,  partly  through  the  nose.    Cf.  35.  Note  3  ;  178.  Note, 
g  —  modern  French  e. 

|  =  ai  in  modern  French  pain  (35.  Note  3  ;  178.  Note). 
^  —  u  in  English  but. 
f=  English/. 
g  =  g  in  English  go. 
gl  :   g  in  English  garb  (cf.  133). 
g2  :    g  in  English  geese  (cf.  133). 
h  =  English  h. 
i  =  i  in  modern  French  si. 
j  =  the  sound  i  pronounced  with  a  lowering  of  the  soft  palate 

(Cf.    6). 

i  =  y  in  English  you  (cf.  the  first  paragraph  of  103). 
k  —  c  in  English  cold. 
&  :  -c  in  English  car  (cf.  133). 
1?  :    k  in  English  £een  (cf.  133). 
I  =  English  I. 
I'  =  ly  in  English  will  you. 
m  =  English  m. 
n  =  English  n. 
/  fa  =  ny  in  English  can  you. 
rj  =  ng  in  English  sing. 
g  «=  modern  French  6. 
o  =  the  sound  o  pronounced  with  a  lowering  of  the  soft  palate 

(cf.  ?). 

p  =  o  in  modern  French  /o£. 

o  =  o  in  modern  French  bon  (35.  Note  3  ;  178.  Note). 
o  =  German  o. 
j9  =  English  p. 

r  =  English  r  (cf.  the  remark  immediately  preceding  165). 
s  =  English  88. 
8  =  English  sh. 
8  =  ssy  in  English  pass  you. 


PHONETIC   SYMBOLS  19 

t  =  English  t. 
*/  i  =  a  sound  resembling  th  in  English  thin  but  less  audible. 

is  =  English  ts  in  bats. 
l/l/ts  =  English  ch. 

</  u  —  ou  in  modern  French  tour. 

i/u  =  w  in  English  we  (cf.  the  first  paragraph  of  103). 
u  =  modern  French  u. 
u  =  the  sound  u  pronounced  with  a  lowering  of  the  soft  palate 

(Cf.    f). 

v  =  English  v.  ' 
w  --=  w  in  English  we. 
y  =  y  in  English  you. 
z  =  English  z. 
^  I  =  French  j. 
J    '  i/  z  =  sy  in  English  as  you. 

In  pronouncing  Old  French  diphthongs  and  triphthongs  observe 
the  following  rules  :  (1)  pronounce  all  the  individual  elements,  but 
itfore  rapidly  than  when  they  stand  outside  such  a  combination  ;  (2) 
pronounce  with  most  force  the  vowel  marked  with  an  accent ;  (3)  give 
an  intermediate  quality  to  the  other  vowel  or  vowels  of  the  combina- 
tion (cf.  page  17,  line  18). 

Written  accents  practically  played  no  part  in  either  Vulgar  Latin 
or  Old  French.  In  this  grammar  they  are  used  to  mark  stress.  The 
stress  of  Classical  Latin  and  Vulgar  Latin  words  is  marked  whenever 
there  is  likelihood  of  its  being  misplaced  by  the  student.  Primary 
stress  is  denoted  by  an  acute,  secondary  by  a  grave  accent.  It  is  not 
necessary  to  mark  the  stress  of  Old  French  words,  for  the  primary 
stress  may  be  placed  by  an  inviolable  rule — on  the  ultima  unless  the 
ultima  vowel  be  f,  in  that  case  on  the  penult — and  the  secondary 
stress  (79.  Note)  is  not  of  great  importance.  We  therefore  use  acute 
accents  over  Old  French  words  for  a  special  purpose — to  mark  that 
one  of  the  vowels  of  a  diphthong  or  triphthong  which  has  the  greater 
force  :  for  instance,  Old  French  veiture  is  stressed  on  the  penult,  but 


20  GLOSSARY  OF   TECHNICAL  TERMS 

the  e  of  the  diphthong  of  the  antepenult  is  pronounced  more  forcibly 
than  the  i. 

Glossary  of  Technical  Terms 

analogical :  used  of  a  linguistic  development  brought  about  by  the 

influence  of  analogy  (cf.  the  second  paragraph  of  10-11). 
antepenult :  the  last  syllable  but  two  of  a  word. 
aspirate:  the  sound  represented  .by  the  letter  h;  also,  a  sound  in 

which  an  h  sound  is  associated  with  a  mute  (q.  v. ). 
assimilation  :  cf.  the  last  part  of  103.  Note  1. 
atonic  :  in  this  grammar  used  of  syllables  or  vowels  not  possessing 

primary  stress  (q.  v. ). 
checked  :  cf.  32-34. 
close  :  cf.  page  17,  line  11. 
dental :  pronounced  by  placing  the  tip  of  the  tongue  against  or  near 

the  front  teeth  (cf.  the  tables  in  103  and  272). 
derivative  vowel :  cf.  348.2. 
dissimilation  :   a  phonological  process  consisting  in  the  making  of 

similar  sounds  dissimilar  (for  instance,  cf.  81.  Note). 
epenthetic  i:  an  i  sound  inserted  in  a  syllable  from  without.     The  i 

sound  is  often  generated,  so  to  speak,  by  a  palatal  consonant — 

for  instance,  cf.  158.1. 
free  :  cf.  32-34. 
hiatus :    the    strained   pronunciation    which   arises   when   one    vowel 

immediately  follows  another  without  being  combined  with  it  in  a 

diphthong  or  triphthong, 
initial-syllable  pretonic  vowel :  cf.  79. 
interconsonantal  :  immediately  preceded  by  and  immediately  followed 

by  a  consonant  or  consonants, 
intervocal :  immediately  preceded  by  and  immediately  followed  by  a 

vowel  or  diphthong  or  triphthong. 
labial :  formed  by  various  positions  of  the  lips  in  contact  with  each  other 

or  with  other  parts  of  the  mouth  (cf.  the  tables  in  103  and  272). 
labialized  consonant :  cf.  206.1. 


GLOSSARY   OF   TECHNICAL   TERMS  21 

liquids  :  the  consonants  /  and  r,  so  called  from  the  ease  with  which 
they  flow  into  or  unite  with  other  sounds  (cf.  the  tables  in  103 
and  272). 

medial  :  used  of  sounds  which  are  neither  initial  nor  final  in  a  word. 

mediopalatal :  cf.  133. 

metathesis  :  the  transposition  of  sounds  for  ease  of  pronunciation. 

monophthong  :  a  single  simple  vowel  sound,  in  contradistinction  to 
a  diphthong. 

morphology :  the  science  of  the  forms  of  language,  in  contradistinc- 
tion to  'phonology,'  the  science  of  the  sounds  of  language. 

mute  :  a  consonant  formed  by  the  stopping  of  the  oral  passage  ; 
opposed  to  'spirant'  (q.  v. ). 

nasal  consonant  :  a  consonant  uttered  with  a  lowering  of  the  soft 
palate  :  that  is,  partly  through  the  nose.  Cf.  the  tables  in  103 
and  272. 

nasal  vowel :  a  vowel  uttered  with  a  lowering  of  the  soft  palate  : 
that  is,  partly  through  the  nose.  Cf.  35.  Note  3,  and  178. 
Note. 

Open  :  cf.  page  17,  line  13. 

oral  consonant  :  a  consonant  uttered  entirely  through  the  mouth  : 
that  is,  without  lowering  of  the  soft  palate,  which  would  cause 
nasalization  (cf.  'nasal  consonant').  Cf.  the  tables  in  103  and 
272. 

palatal  :  produced  by,  or  with  the  help  of,  the  palate  (cf.  the  tables 
in  103  and  272). 

palatalization  :  the  process  referred  to  under  '  palatalized  conso- 
nant.' 

palatalized  consonant :  a  consonant  which  has  developed  an  addi- 
tional y  sound  :  for  instance,  I',  n. 

paroxytone :  a  word  having  the  primary  stress  (q.  v. )  on  the  penult 
(q.  V.). 

penult  :  the  syllable  next  to  the  last  in  a  word. 

phonology  :  cf.   *  morphology. ' 

postconsonantal  :  immediately  following  a  consonant. 


22  GLOSSARY   OF   TECHNICAL   TERMS 

postpalatal  :  cf.  133. 

post-secondary-stress  vowel  :  cf.  79. 

posttonic  :  in  this  grammar  used  of  vowels  or  syllables  following  the 

tonic  syllable  (q.  v. ). 

preconsonantal :  immediately  preceding  a  consonant. 
pretonic  :  in  this  grammar  used  of  vowels  or  syllables  preceding  the 

tonic  syllable  (q.  v.). 
primary  group  :  cf.  103.  Note  1. 
primary  stress  :  when  a  word  has  two  stressed  syllables,  the  more 

forcible  stress  is  called  the  'primary  stress,'  the  less  forcible  is 

called  'secondary  stress'  (cf.  79,  and  79.   Note). 
proparoxytone  :   a  word  having  the   primary  stress  (q.   v. )  on  the 

antepenult  (q.  v. ). 

provenience  :  the  source  or  origin  of  a  linguistic  phenomenon. 
resonance  chamber  :  a  hollow  space  formed  in  thejoj^adi  in  order  to 

reinforce  the  sound  of  the  vibrating  vocal  cords, 
secondary  group  :  cf.  103.  Note  1. 
secondary  stress  :  cf.  '  primary  stress. ' 
semivowel  :  i  and  u  are  called   semivowels   because  they  have  the 

character  of  both  a  vowel  and  a  consonant  (cf.  103  and  272). 
sonant  :  accompanied  by  vocal  vibration  or   tone  (cf.   the  tables  in 

103  and  272). 
spirant  :  a   consonant   of    incomplete   closure ;    opposed   to    '  mute ' 

(q.  v.).     Cf.  the  tables  in  103  and  272. 
stress  :  cf.   'primary  stress,'  and  'secondary  stress.' 
strong  verb  :  cf.  338. 
surd  :  unaccompanied  by  vocal  vibration  or  tone  (cf.  the  tables  in 

103  and  272). 
syncope  :   the  elision  of  a  vowel  or  syllable  from  the  midst  of  a  word 

(for  instance,  cf.  76). 
tonic  :  in  this  grammar  used  of  vowels  or  syllables  bearing  primary 

stress  (q.  v.). 

ultima  :  the  last  syllable  of  a  word, 
umlaut  :  the  change  of  one  vowel  to  another  more  like  a  following 

vowel  (for  instance,  cf.  43). 
velar  palatal :  cf.  133. 
weak  verb  :  cf.  338. 


THE   ORGANS   OF   SPEECH 


23 


The  following  cross-section  drawing  of  the  organs  of  speech  may  be 
of  value  to  students  who  have  not  studied  phonetics  : 


nasal  cavity. 
lips. 


B  =  hard  palate. 
F  =  tongue. 
I  =  esophagus. 


C  =  soft  palate. 
G  =  epiglottis. 
J  ==  trachea. 


D  =  teeth. 

H  =  vocal  cords. 


24  ABBREVIATIONS 

Abbreviations 

CL.  =  Classical  Latin.     VL.  =.  Vulgar  Latin.     OF.  =  Old  French. 

>  =  «  becomes. '  <[  =  '  is  the  result  of. ' 

An  asterisk  (*)  stands  before  Vulgar  Latin  words  which  are  sup- 
posed to  have  existed,  but  have  not  been  actually  found  in  any  Vulgar 
Latin  document. 


CHAPTER  II 

THE  MOST  IMPORTANT  DIFFERENCES  BETWEEN 
(GALLIC)  VULGAR  LATIN  AND  CLASS- 
ICAL  LATIN 


15.  An  historical  presentation  of  Old  French  finds  its  natural  point 
of  departure  in  the  description  of  Vulgar  Latin — more  specifically,  in 
the  description  of  the  last  stage  of  Gallic  Vulgar  Latin.  Since 
students  of  Old  French  historical  grammar  must  be  conversant  with 
Classical  Latin  (a  Classical  Latin  grammar  and  dictionary  should 
be  continually  at  hand),  we  may  conveniently  describe  this  Vulgar 
Latin  by  enumerating  the  differences  between  it  and  Classical 
Latin.  Although  earlier  Vulgar  Latin,  that  which  had  been  perfected 
and  crystallized  into  Classical  Latin  (1-4),  differed  hardly  at  all  from 
Classical  Latin — no  more  than  informal  from  formal  modern  English 
— later  Vulgar  Latin,  developing  rapidly  away  from  its  former  self, 
became,  ipso  facto,  quite  unlike  the  crystallization  of  that  former  self. 
In  the  sixth  century  we  find  the  following  differences  between  Gallic 
Vulgar  Latin  and  Classical  Latin. 

Stress 

VL.  words  generally  stress  the  same  syllable  as  the  corresponding 
words  in  CL. ,  but : 

Words  with  a  short  penult,  and  an  ultima  beginning  with  a  mute  | 
plus  r,  which  in  CL.  stress  the  antepenult,  stress  the  penult  in  VL.  | 
(CL.  integrum — VL.  integrum). 

Where  in  CL.  a  stressed  i  of  the  antepenult  stands  in  hiatus  with  a 
following  e  or  o,  in  VL.  we  find  a  diphthong,  with  the  stress  shifted 
to  the  e  or  o  (CL.  pari&tem — VL.  parietem). 

Certain  differences  are  due  to  the  fact  that  analogy  (10-11)  has* 
been  at  work  in  VL.     For  example,  the  CL.  1st  plural  present  indica-f 

25 


26  VULGAR  LATIN 


tive  of  the  3d  conjugation  stresses  the  antepenult  ;  but  in  VL.,  because 
of  the  analogy  of  the  three  other  conjugations,  this  form  has  come  to 
stress  the  penult  (CL.  perdlmus  —  VL.  perdimus,  by  analogy  to  such 
VL.  forms  as  amdmus,  monemus,  audimus,  which  correspond  to  CL. 
amdmus,  monemus,  audlmus^). 


Such  VL.  forms  as  convenit  (instead  of  CL.  efovftttt),  are  the  result  of 
a  process  called  recomposition.  Whereas  CL.,  and  the  pre-Christian  VL.  of  which 
it  was  the  crystallization,  had  come  to  feel  convenit  as  a  simple  word,  VL.  of  our  era 
regained  the  consciousness  that  it  was  compounded  of  con  and  venit,  and  therefore 
stressed  the  stem  of  the  verb. 

Vowels 

16-2O.  Pre-Christian  VL.,  like  CL.,  possessed  fc  and  u,  but  by 
the  sixth  century  I  had  changed  to  e  and  u  to  5  (CL.  bibere  and 
supra  —  VL.  bebere  and  sopra).  Moreover,  whereas  in  pre-Christian 
VL.  ,  as  in  CL.  ,  each  vowel  possessed  two  quantities,  being  either  of 
short  or  long  duration,  by  the  sixth  century  each  vowel  (except  a) 
had  developed  in  addition  two  qualities,  all  long  vowels  having  become 
also  close,  and  all  short  vowels  having  become  also  open.  As  a  result 
of  these  changes,  we  find  the  following  vowel-correspondences  between 
CL.  and  the  VL.  of  sixth  century  Gaul  : 

CL.    I  —  VL.    long  i  CL.    a  —  VL.  short  a 

I  —  long  e  o  —  short  p 

e  —  long  e  o  —  long  o 

$  -  short  $  &-  long  o 

a  —  long  a  u-  long  u 

It  is  probable  that  the  above  changes  did  not  appreciably  affect  the 
VL.  posttonic  and  post-secondary-stress  vowels,  which  were  in  any 
case  of  so  unresisting  a  nature  that  they  usually  disappeared  during 
the  development  into  OF.  (cf.  76  ;  77  ;  78  ;  80). 

Pre-Christian  VL.  had  only  three  diphthongs  :  ae,  oe,  and  au.  By 
•  the  sixth  century  ae  has  become  short  g,  and  oe  has  become  long  e 
'  (CL.  poena  —  VL.  pena~),  au  alone  remaining  intact.  Meanwhile, 


VULGAR  LATIN  27 

however,  a  few  new  diphthongs  have  developed,  as,  for  example,  in 
VL.  parietem  (15). 

To  CL.  proparoxytones  with  penult  vowel  between  I  —  gjl^d, 
l—^t,  l—mL  r  —  d,  r  —  m,  s  —  t,  correspond  VL.  paroxy  tones,  the 
vowel  having  been  syncopated  (CL.  calidus  —  VL.  caldus). 

To  CL.  words  with  unstressed  u  preceding  a  vowel  and  following  a 
consonant  group  correspond  VL.  words  without  the  u  (CL.  morttium 
—  VL.  mortum}. 

;  VL.  avoids  it  in  various  ways.     For  example, 


an  unstressed  i  or  e  standing  immediately  before  another  vowel 
becomes  the  semivowel  i  (CL.  fitius  —  VL.  filius}  ;  an  unstressed  u  in 
like  position  becomes  u  (CL.  anniialem  —  VL.  annualem*). 

Consonants 

21-28.  The  h  of  earlier  VL.  has  become  silent  (CL.  homo  —  VL. 
omo).  But  a  new  h  has  come  in  with  words  borrowed  from  the  Ger- 
manic tongues  (Germanic  haga  >  VL.  haga). 

VL.  final  m  after  an  unstressed  vowel  has  become  silent  (CL. 
animam  —  VL.  anima~). 

VL.  n  has  become  silent  before  s  (CL.  trans  —  VL.  tra*}. 

VL.  intervocal  b  has  become  v  (CL.  Jfeba—  VL.^/owi). 

VL.  g  before  e  or  i  has  changed  into  the  sound  of  y  in  English  ye 
(CL.   gentem  —  VL.   yente}.     The  VL.   combinations   ge,   gi,   de,   di,  • 
when  standing  before  vowels,  have  also  become  y  (CL.   diurnum  — 
VL.  yonni). 

Words  beginning  with  an  s  plus  a  consonant  prefix  an  e  when 
the  foregoing  word  ends  in  a  consonant  (CL.  spina  —  VL.  espincC). 

Borrowed  Words 

29-3O.  The  Vulgar  Latin  of  Gaul  borrowed  many  words  from 
Greek  and  from  the  Germanic  tongues.  Most  of  the  Greek  and 
Germanic  sounds  existed  likewise  in  Vulgar  Latin  ;  the  rest  were 
replaced  by  more  or  less  closely  related  sounds.  For  example,  the 
Germanic  bilabial  w,  which  had  no  equivalent  in  Vulgar  Latin,  was 
replaced  by  the  combination  gw  (Germanic  wardon  >VL.  gwardare)  . 


CHAPTER  III 
THE  FIRST  OLD  FRENCH  PERIOD 


31.  Those  sounds  which — as  we  have  shown  in  Chapter  II — apper- 
tained to  the  sixth  century  Vulgar  Latin  of  Gaul,  continued  steadily 
in  their  phonological  development,  and  during  the  succeeding  centu- 
ries became  Old  French  sounds.  This  chapter  will  explain  their 
development  down  to  about  1100. 

Note.  To  attempt  to  date,  even  approximately,  the  changes  which  took  place 
between  600  and  1100  would  lead  too  far  afield.  The  student  should  try,  how- 
ever, to  make  some  inferences.  For  example,  comparison  of  35  with  108,  117.1, 
127,  etc.,  will  show  that  the  diphthongization  of  tonic  free  vowels  had  run  its 
course  before  double  consonants  became  single:  for,  if  VL.  ceppu  (108)  had 
become  OF.  cepu  before  free  tonic  t  diphthongized,  the  form  of  ca.  1100  would 
have  been  tif  (39.1) ,  not  cSp  (41). 

VOWELS 

32-34.  For  the  following  discussion  of  the  vowels  it  is  necessary 
to  understand  the  terms  *  free  >  and  *  checked. '  A  vowel  is  said 
to  be  free  when  it  ends  a  syllable,  checked  when  it  does  not.  More 
definitely — a  vowel  is  free  when  it  ends  a  word  (me)  ;  when  it  fetands 
before  another  vowel  (me-a)  ;  when  it  stands  before  a  single  consonant 
(ma-nu)  ;  when  it  stands  before  a  mute  -j-  liquid  (ca-pra,  do  plu)  :  a 
vowel  is  checked  when  it  stands  before  any  consonant  group  other  than 
a  mute  -f  liquid  (por-ta)  ;  when  it  stands  before  a  consonant  ~f-  i  or  u 
(sap-iat).  A  vowel  which  stands  before  a  single  final  consonant  (cor) 
is  free  when  followed  by  a  word  beginning  with  a  vowel,  checked  when 
followed  by  a  word  beginning  with  a  consonant  or  by  a  pause  (cf.  the 
third  paragraph  of  10-11.) 
28  - 


TONIC  VOWELS  29 

Note.  At  the  beginning  of  the  first  OF.  period,  then,  all  words  ending  in  a 
single  final  consonant  were  developing  in  two  ways.  But  the  developments  oefore 
a  following  word  beginning  with  a  consonant,  or  before  a  pause,  soon  gave  way 
(froto  analogy  —  cf.  the  second  paragraph  of  10-11)  to  the  developments  before  a 
following  word  beginning  with  a  vowel.  In  the  following  sections,  therefore, 
we  consider  the  ultima  vowels  of  such  words  as  free. 

Tonic  Vowels 

35.  As  we  have  seen  in  16-20,  the  last  stage  of  Gallic  Vulg& 
Latin  possessed  the  vowels  i,  e,  $,  a,  p,  p,  u,  and  the  diphthongal^ 
(other  diphthongs  occurring  only  rarely).  During  the  first  period 
tonic  vowels  tended  to  diphthongize.  This  diphthongization  seems 
contrary  to  the  tendency  of  the  language  toward  contraction  (1-4), 
but  was  in  reality  a  result  of  that  tendency,  inasmuch  as  it  was  the 
last  step  of  a  compensatory  process  caused  by  the  syncopation,  during 
the  first  centuries  of  Old  French,  of  almost  all  atonic  vowels  (76, 
and  80.2).  The  first  step  of  this  compensatory  process  was  the 
lengthening  of  free  tonic  vowels.  Moreover,  those  free  vowels  which 
were  short  in  Vulgar  Latin  lengthened  to  the  same  length  as  those 
which  were  long,  so  that  the  only  short  vowels  remaining  were  those 
which  were  checked.  When  all  these  free  vowels  had  lengthened, 
they  then  broke,  as  it  were,  into  diphthongs  :  VL.  f$ru  >  very  early 
OF.  fgru  >  later  OF.  fier.  The  checked  vowels,  on  the  contrary 
(all  of  which,  even  those  originally  long,  were  now  short  as  compared 
with  the  free  vowels),  did  not  diphthongize  :  VL.  forma  >  very 
early  OF.  forma  (with  short  p)  >  later  OF.  fyrme.  Sections  36-75 
are  a  detailed  enumeration  of  the  results  of,  and  divergences  from, 
the  process  which  we  have  just  described  in  general  terms.  In  our 
discussion  of  the  tonic  vowels  we  shall  adopt  the  following  order 
(corresponding  to  the  situation,  proceeding  from  front  to  back, 
of  their  resonance  chambers)  :  t,  e,  $,  a,  g,  p,  u.  We  shall  conclude 
with  the  discussion  of  the  tonic  diphthong  au. 


1.     The  development  of  a  vowel  was  often  complicated  by  the  incor- 
poration into  a  syllable  of  some  new  element.     Especially  common  were  the 


30  ,THE   FIRST   OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD 

incorporation  of  so-called  *  epenthetic  t,'  and  that  of  u.  Separate  paragraphs 
(38,  44,  45,  etc. )  will  deal  with  these  two  phenomena. 

Note  2.  It  is  evident  from  the  above  section  that  very  many  vowels  of 
Vulgar  Latin  changed  in  quantity  upon  becoming  Old  French  vowels,  all  free 
short  vowels  becoming  long,  all  checked  long  vowels  becoming  short,  at  least  in 
comparison  with  the  new  long  vowels.  This  requantification  reached  completion 
soon  after  the  beginning  of  the  first  Old  French  period.  Thenceforth  through 
most  of  the  first  period,  vowels  seldom  changed  as  to  quantity,  whether  or  no 
they  changed  from  free  to  checked,  or  vice  versa.  Toward  the  end  of  the  period, 
however,  the  difference  between  long  and  short  vowels  became  inappreciable 
(they  were  all  rather  short  than  long),  except  in  the  case  of  tonic  «.  Most 
scholars  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  e  which  came  from  VL.  tonic  free  a  (52.  1) 
remained  e  until  after  the  end  of  the  first  period,  and  that  meanwhile  the  e  which 
came  from  VL.  tonic  checked  e  (39.  2,  and  41)  remained  |  (cf.  210  and  211);  in 
the  following  sections  we  shall  differentiate  e  from  8. 

Note  3.  All  tonic  vowels  and  diphthongs,  and  most  initial-syllable  pretonic 
vowels  and  diphthongs,  followed  by  n  or  m,  take  on  a  nasal  sound  (178.  Note) 
during  Old  French.  It  is  certain  that  OF.  tonic  a,  e,  and  g  were  thus  nasalized 
during  the  first  period  ;  there  is  great  uncertainty  as  to  the  date  of  nasalization  of 
the  other  vowels  and  diphthongs.  In  the  following  sections,  however,  we  shall 
consider  all  vowels  and  diphthongs  which  were  nasalized  at  all,  to  have  been 
nasalized  before  ca.  1100. 

Note  4.  In  general,  Vulgar  Latin  tonic  syllables  not  only  remained  tonic 
throughout  the  first  and  second  Old  French  periods,  but  are  still  so  at  the  present 
day. 


VL.  i  corresponds  to  CL.  i. 

36.  Free  and  checked  i  before  oral  consonants  remain  i  :  ripa  >  rive, 

37.  Free  and  checked  i  before  nasal  consonants  become  i  :  espina 
(CL.  splna)  >  espme.     Cf.  35.  Note  3,  and  178.  Note. 

38.  i  before  an  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  blends  with  the  latter 
into  a  single  i  :  mica  >  mie  (140.1).     Before  a  nasal  consonant  i  -(- 
epenthetic  i  gives  i  :  escriniu  (CL.  scrlnitim*)  >  escrlng  (203). 

e 
VL.  e  corresponds  to  CL.  e,  I,  oe. 

39.  1)    Free  e  before   oral  consonants    becomes^:    veru  >  veir. 
After  palatals  (103)  or  palatalized  consonants  (13-14)  the  result  is 
i£i  and  then  i  (133.  Note  2)  :  cera>  cieire  >  eire.     The  diphthongi- 


TONIC   VOWELS  31 

zation  of  penult  vowels  was  accomplished  before  they  became  checked 
through  the  fall  of  ultima  vowels — cf.  78.  3. 

2)  In  proparoxytones  whose  accented  vowel  becomes  checked 
through  the  fall  of  the  vowel  of  the  penult  (during  the  Old  French 
period  all  proparoxytones  lose  the  vowel  of  the  penult— cf.  76)  e 
before  oral  consonants  becomes  e  (35.  Note  2)  :  debita  >  debta  >  dete. 

40.  1 )  Free  e  before  nasal  consonants  becomes  $i  :  plenu  >  plgin. 
But  after  palatals  (103)  or  palatalized  consonants  (13-14)  the  result 
is  I  :  racemu  >  raisin.     Cf.  35.  Note  3,  178.  Note,  and  the  last  sen- 
tence in  39.  1. 

2)  In  proparoxytones  whose  accented  vowel  becomes  checked 
through  the  fall  of  the  vowel  of  the  penult,  e  before  nasal  consonants 
becomes  g,  and  then  a  :  semita  >  sgnte  >  sante  (the  orthography, 
however,  continues  sente).  Cf.  76. 

41.  Checked  e  before  oral  consonants  becomes  £  (35.  Note  2)  : 
mettere  (CL.  mft^re)  >  metre. 

42.  Checked  e  before  nasal  consonants  becomes  f,  and  then,  except 
before  n,  develops  further  into  5,  though  the  orthography  remains 
en  :  fender  e  (CL.  find$re)  >  fendre  (at  first  pronounced  fgndre,  then 
fandre).      But  degnat  (CL.   dfyncit')  >  deignet  (pronounced  d$het). 
Cf.  35.  Note  3,  and  178.  Note. 

43.  e  before  oral  or  nasal  consonants  is  changed  to  i  or  I  by  the 
influence  of  an  i  in  the  following  syllable  (£hjs  is  an  example  of  the 
process  called  'umlaut')  :  *presi  (CL.  prZhendi)  > pris. 

44.  e  combined  with  an  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  results  in  the 
diphthong   &' :  /ma>/|ir«    (201).       Before   nasal   consonants   the 
result  is  ^  -,'fenctu  (CL.  /Ic^m)  >/|m*  (163).  ^  ^  ^ 

45.  e  -f-  u  (35.  Note  1)  becomes  u  :  debuit  >  dut  (206.  Note). 

£ 
VL.  $  corresponds  to  CL.  e  and  ae. 

46.  1)    Free  $  before  oral    consonants    becomes  ie  .  m$l  >  mi£l. 
Cf.  the  last  sentence  in  39.1. 

Note.  £t>et,  probably  because  of  the  unstressed  nature  of  the  word  (cf.  the 
third  paragraph  of  10-11) .  The  same  explanation  may  be  given  for  the  alterna- 
tive forms  with  e  of  417. 


32  THE  FIRST  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

2)  VL.  free  g  often  came,  through  the  syncope  of  an  un- 
stressed penult  vowel  (76),  to  be  checked  in  OF.  In  some  of  these 
cases  it  had  had  time,  the  syncope  being  late  (76.  Note  2),  to  diph- 
thongize to  ie  before  becoming  checked  (tgpidu  >  tiepidu  >  tiebdu 

>  Hide)  ;  in  others  it  had  not  had  time,  the  syncope  being  early,  to 
diphthongize  before  becoming  checked,   and  so,   in  accordance  with 
48,  remained  §  (ra^rwfo  >  mgr/a  >  merle). 

47.  1)    Free  g  before  nasal  consonants  becomes  ie  :  rern^>rien. 
Cf.  35,  Note  3,  178.  Note,  and  the  last  sentence  in  39.1. 

2)  In  proparoxy  tones  whose  accented  vowel  became  checked 
through  the  fall  of  the  vowel  of  the  penult,  g  before  nasal  consonants 
sometimes  became  g  and  then  a  (49),  sometimes  became  ie  (cf.  the 
double  development  explained  in  46.  2)  :  tgneru  >  tenru  >  tgndre 

>  tandre  (the  orthography,    however,  continuing  tendre)  ;  frgmita  > 
friemita>friente.     Cf.  76. 

48.  Checked  g  before  oral  consonants  remains  g  :  *t$sta  (CL.  test&) 


Note  1  .   g  before  V  becomes  t'|. 

Note  2.   $st>est  (417),  probably  because  of   the  unstressed   nature  of  the 
word  (cf.  the  third  paragraph  of  10-11)  . 

49.  Checked  g  before  nasal  consonants   becomes  |,  and  then  a  : 
ventu  >  v$nt  >  vant  (the  orthography  continuing  vent).     Cf.  35.  Note 
3,  and  178.  Note. 

50.  §  -f-  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  becomes  iei  and  then  i  :  pretiu 
>  prieis  ^>pris  (193).    Before  nasal  consonants  the  result  is  I  :  enygniu 
(CL.  Ing&nMSum  —  cf.  21-28)  >  enging  (pronounced  andzln  —  cf.  203). 

51.  g  -j-  u  (35.  Note  1)  becomes  ieu  :  c$cu  (CL.   caecUm)  ^>  c$-u 
(145  and  77)  >  cieu. 

a 
VL.  a  corresponds  to  CL.  a  and  ft. 

52.  1  )  Free  a  before  oral  consonants  becomes  e  (35.  Note  2)  :  sal^> 
sel.     After  palatals  (103)  or  palatalized  consonants  (13-14),  how- 
ever, the  result  is  ie:  earn  >  chier.      But  cf.  140.2.      Cf.  also  the  last 
sentence  in  39.  1. 


TONIC   VOWELS  33 

2)  In  proparoxy  tones  whose  accented  vowel  becomes  checked 
through  the  fall  of  the  vowel  of  the  penult,  a  before  oral  consonants 
remains  a  :  rdpidu  >  rabdu  >  rode.  Cf.  76,  105,  and  122.  2.  a. 

53.  1)    Free  a  before  nasal  consonants  becomes  ai  :  amas  >  dimes. 
After  palatals  (103)  or  palatalized  consonants  (13-14)  it  becomes  ie  : 
cane  >  chien.    Cf.  35.  Note  3,  178.  Note,  and  the  last  sentence  in  39.  1. 

2)  In  proparoxy  tones  whose  accented  vowel  becomes  checked 
through  the  fall  of  the  vowel  of  the  penult,  a  before  nasal  consonants 
becomes  a  :  camera  >  chambre.  Cf.  76. 

54.  Checked  a  before  oral  consonants  remains  a  :  drappu  >  drap. 

55.  Checked  a  before  nasal  consonants  becomes  a  :  tantu  >  tdnt. 
Cf.  35.  Note  3,  and  178.  Note. 

«*-.  56.  a  and  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  combine  in  the  diphthong  aiy 
which  then  becomes  the  sound  $i,  though  the  orthography  continues 
ai  :  facing  fa-it  (158.1)  >  fait  >  f$it  (generally  written  fait}.  Be- 
fore nasal  consonants  the  result  is  ai  :  sancta  >  sainte  (163).  But 
free  a  after  palatals  (103)  or  palatalized  consonants  (13-14)  combines 
with  epenthetic  i  into  i  :  yaket  (CL.  jactt)  >  gie-ist  (52.1,  and  135.3) 

>  gist. 

57.    a  -f-  u  (35.  Note  1)  becomes  §u  :  fagu  >/a-n  (145  and  77) 


Q 
VL.  Q  corresponds  to  CL.  8. 

58.  1  )    Free  Q  before  oral  consonants  becomes  u$  :  cqr  >  cu$r.  Cf. 
the  last  sentence  in  39.  1. 

2)  In  proparoxytones  whose  accented  vowel  became  checked 
through  the  fall  of  the  vowel  of  the  penult,  free  Q  before  oral  con- 
sonants sometimes  remained  g,  sometimes  became  ufa  (cf.  the  double 
development  explained  in  46.  2)  :  *garpfulu  (CL.  carytiphylltim)  > 
gergfle  :  *m$vita  >  mugvita  >  mu%vte  >  mufo.  Cf.  76. 

59.  1)    Free  0  before  nasal  consonants  becomes  u$  ;  bgnu  >  bujn. 
Cf.  35.  Note  3,  178.  Note,  and  the  last  sentence  in  39.  1. 

2)  In  proparoxytones  whose  accented  vowel  becomes  checked 
through  the  fall  of  the  vowel  of  the  penult,  free  g  before  nasal  con- 
sonants becomes  o  :  cgmite^>  cgmte^>  conte.  Cf.  76. 


34  THE   FIRST   OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD 

6O.    Checked  p  before  oral  consonants  remains  2  '•  *fyssa  (CL.  fossti) 


Note,    g  before  I'  becomes  tt|. 

61.  Checked  p  before  nasal  consonants  becomes  o  :  ppnte^>  pgnt. 
Cf.  35.  Note  3,  and  178.  Note. 

62.  Q  -\-  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  becomes  ui  ;  cgjriu^>cuir  (201). 

63.  g  -f-  u  (35.  Note  1)  becomes  6u  (usually  written  eu)  :  fycu^> 
fan  (145  and  77)>/<m  [feu]. 

9 
VL.  p  corresponds  to  CL.  5  and  u. 

64.  1)    Free  o  before  oral  consonants  becomes  ou  :  color  e~^>culgur. 
Cf.  the  last  sentence  in  39.  1. 

2)  In  proparoxy  tones  whose  accented  vowel  becomes  checked 
through  the  fall  of  the  vowel  of  the  penult,  free  o  before  oral  con- 
sonants becomes  u  (written  sometimes  o,  sometimes  u,  and  sometimes 
ou)  :  dgbitat  (CL.  dubitat)  >  dgbtat  >  dutet  (orthography  dotet, 
dutet,  or  doutet).  Cf.  76. 

65.  1)    Free  o  before  nasal  consonants  becomes  o  :  donat>donet. 
Cf.  35.  Note  3,  and  178.  Note.  This  change  was  accomplished  before 
penult  vowels  became  checked  through  the  fall  of  ultima  vowels  — 

cf.  78.  3. 

2)  In  proparoxy  tones  whose  accented  vowel  becomes  checked 
through  the  fall  of  the  vowel  of  the  penult,  free  o  before  nasal  conso- 
nants becomes  o  :  nomeru  (CL.  num&rum)  >  nombre.  Cf.  76. 

66.  Checked  o  before  oral  consonants  becomes  u  (written  o,  u,  or 
ou)  :  gotta  (CL.  gutt&m)  >  gute  [gote,  gute,  or  goute]. 

67.  Checked  o  before   nasal  consonants  becomes  o  :    onda  (CL. 
undam)  >  fade.     Cf.  35.  Note  3,  and  178.  Note. 

68.  p  -f-  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  becomes  oi  :  docta  (CL.  d&ct&m) 
>  doite  (158.1).   Before  nasals  the  result  is  pi  :  pggnu  (CL.  pugnum) 
^>poing  (pronounced  poin  —  cf.  160). 

69.  o  -\-  u  (35.  Note  1)  becomes  6u  :  yogu  (CL.  jugtim) 
jou  (145  and  77). 


POSTTONIC  VOWELS  35 


VL.  u  corresponds  to  CL.  u. 

70.  Free  and  checked    u    before  oral  consonants  become  u  (the 
orthography  of  this  sound  was  of  course  u,   without  the  superposed 
dots)  :  muru  >  mur. 

71.  Free  and  checked  u  before  nasal  consonants  become  it,:  unu 
>  un.     Cf.  35.  Note  3,  and  178.  Note. 

72.  u  -f-  epenthetic   i    (35.   Note  1)  becomes  ui  :  j  ructu  >  fruit 
(158.  1).     Before  nasals  the  result  is  ui  :  juniu  >  jdin  (203). 

au 
VL.  au  corresponds  to  CL.  au. 

73.  Free  and  checked  au  before  oral  consonants  become  Q  ;  before 
nasal  consonants  o  :  causa  ]>  chpse  ;   hdunita  (a  borrowed  word  —  the 
Germanic  haunifia)  >  honte.     Cf.  35.  Note  3,  and  178.  Note. 

74.  au  -f  epenthetic   i   (35.  Note  1)  becomes   §i  :   nausia  (CL. 
nausea)  >  nQise  (196).    . 

75.  au  -j-  u  (35.  Note  1)  becomes  §u  :  paucu  ^>pau-u  (145  and 


Posttonic  Vowels 

In  the  Penult 

76.  All  unstressed  penult  vowels  dropped  out  during  the  first  Old 
French  period  :  platanu  >  platnu  >  plane  (for  fall  of  t,  cf.  120). 

Note  1  .  Similar  syncopes  had  taken  place  during  the  Vulgar  Latin  period 
(16-20). 

Note  2.  The  Old  French  syncopes  of  unstressed  penult  vowels  took  place 
before  those  of  post-secondary-stress  vowels  (80.  2  ;  122.  Note  2  ;  143.  Note  2  ; 
148.  Note),  but  did  not  take  place  all  at  the  same  time.  Some  were  early,  some 
comparatively  late.  It  seems  impossible  to  deduce  general  laws  as  to  their  rela- 
tive chronology.  Sometimes,  however,  we  may  infer  that  the  syncopes  of  certain 
words  took  place  before  those  of  certain  other  words.  For  instance,  if—  as  is 


36  THE   FIRST  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

probable — every  VL.  free  g  before  oral  consonants  became  OF.  ie.  at  about  the 
same  time,  a  comparison  of  the  developments  t%pidu^>  tiede  and  mqrula  >  mgrle 
shows  that  the  tt  of  merula  dropped  out  before  the  i  of  tepidu  (46.  2). 

In  the  Ultima 

77.  As  we  shall  see  in  78,  most  final  vowels  became  silent,  the 
time   of  their  disappearance  being  about   the   eighth  century.      But 
when  final  u  or  i  came  into  contact  with  a  preceding  stressed  vowel 
before  the  eighth  century,  they  usually  combined  with  it  into  a  diph- 
thong.     This  early  contact  occurred  (1)  when  VL.  did  away  with  an 
hiatus  by  forming  a  diphthong  (cf.   the  last  paragraph  of  16-20): 
early  VL.  fui  >  later  VL.  fui^>  OF.  fui  ;  (2)  when  intervening  sounds 
dropped  out  before  the  eighth  century  :  early  VL.  amavi  >  later  VL. 
amai  >  OF.    amdi  ;    VL.    sapui  >  seventh   century  OF.    sg-i  (206. 
Note)  >  later  OF.  spi ;  VL.  fycu  >  seventh  century  OF.  fy-u  (145) 
>  later  OF.  fou.     Cf.  45  ;  51  ;  57  ;  63  ;  69  ;  75  ;  and  35.  Note  1. 

78.  1)    Final  a  remains  as  $  :  terra  >  terr$. 

2)  Other  final  vowels  generally  disappear  about  the  eighth 
century  :  muru  >  mur.     In  the  following  three  cases,  however,  they 
remain  as  f  :  (a)  aLer  almost  all  primary  consonant  groups  (103. 
Note  1)  whose  last  element  is  a  liquid  or  a  nasal  consonant  :  helmu  > 
helmq  ;  (b)  after  almost  all  secondary  consonant  groups  :  vivere  > 
vivrg  (76)  ;  (c)  after  a  labial -fj  :  robiu  (CL.  rtib%um}>rug$  (191). 

3)  The  rules  given  under  1  and  2  apply  also  when  the  vowel 
of  the   ultima   is   followed    by   a   single    consonant:    abbas  >  ab$s  ; 
corpus  ^>  cars  ;    tepidus  >  tiedqs.     But   ultima  vowels  followed   by  a 
consonant   group    always    remain    as    f  :    vendunt  >  vend$nt.     And 
ultima  vowels  followed  by  r  always  remain  as  f,  but  suffer  metathesis  : 
pater  >  pedrg. 

Pretonic  Vowels 

79.  We   divide   pretonic   vowels   into   two   classes:    (1)     'Post- 
secondary-stress  '  vowels — for  example,  the  i  in  sanitate  ;  be  it  noted 
that  all  VL.   words  with  two  or  more  syllables  preceding  the 


PRETONIC  VOWELS  37 

tonic  syllable  have  a  secondary  stress  on  the  first  syllable. 
(2)  'Initial-syllable  pretonic'  vowels — for  example,  the  first  a  in 
mndre  or  in  sanitate. 

Note.  It  is  probable  that  a  Vulgar  Latin  syllable  which  bore  a  secondary 
stress  continued  to  bear  a  secondary  stress  throughout  the  first  and  second  Old 
French  periods ;  even  when,  through  the  fall  of  a  post-secondary-stress  vuwel,  it 
came  to  stand  before  a  tonic  syllable. 

a)  Post-Secondary-Stress  Vowels 

8O.  1)  Post-secondary-stress  a  becomes  $  :  cantatore^>chdnt§dour. 
But  when  followed  by  an  epenthetic  i  the  result  is  di,  which  then 
becomes  $i  (though  the  orthography  remains  ai — 56)  :  bratione  > 
oraison  >  orgison  [oraison] . 

2)  Other  post- secondary-stress  vowels  usually  become  §  (or, 
if  combined  with  epenthetic  i,  a  diphthong  ending  in  i)  when  they 
are  followed  by  any  consonant  group  (abellana  >  avglaine'),  or  by  li 
or  ni  ;  or  preceded  by  the  consonant  groups  labial  -f  r,  dental  -f-  r, 
labial  -j-  l>  consonant  -\-  palatal  -j-  I,  Im,  sm,  In,  mn  (quadriforcu  > 
carrg/wr).  Otherwise  they  are  usually  syncopated  (76.  Note  2)  : 
*sobitdnu  (CL.  s#&ftan^m)>  sobdanu  >  sudain^l22.  2.  c). 

Note.  But  very  many  post-secondary-stress  vowels  underwent  the  influence  of 
analogy  (cf.  the  second  paragraph  of  10-11).  For  example,  mdritdrc  >  marider 
(instead  of  marder — cf.  122.  2.  c)  from  analogy  with  mar  it  <  mar\tu. 

b)  Initial-Syllable  Pretonic  Vowels 


81  •  Free  and  checked  i  before  oral  consonants  and  free  t  before 
nasal  consonants  remain  i  :  privare  ^>  priver. 

Note.  In  some  words  which  come  to  have,  in  OF.,  i  in  the  tonic  syllable, 
initial-syllable  pretonic  j,  by  the  process  called  'dissimilation/  becomes  5 :  finire 
>/$«?>. 

82.   Checked   i   before   nasal   consonants   becomes   t  :  primtempus 
(CL.  prlmftm  t$mp&s)  >  prlntent. 
3 


38  THE   FIRST   OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD 

83.    i  -f-  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  results  in  i  (in  I  when  before 
nasal  consonants)  :  dictare  >  ditier  (158.  1). 


VL.  pretonic  g  became  e  at  the  very  end 
of  the  VL.  period  ;  so  VL.  pretonic  e 
corresponds  to  CL.  i,  e,  and  £. 

84.  Free  e  before  oral  consonants  and  nasal  consonants  becomes  £  : 
venire  (earlier  VL.  vgnire)  >  venire.     Checked  e  before  oral  conso- 
nants remains  e  :  vertute  (CL.  vlrtutem)  >  vertut. 

85.  Checked  e  before  nasal  consonants  becomes  g,  and  then,  except 
before  n,  develops  further  into  a  :  entrare^>  gntrer  >  dntrer  (but  the 
orthography  usually  continues  entrer^)  ;  seniore  >  s$hour    [seignour~\  . 

86.  e  -f-  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  results  in  ei  (in  gi  before  nasal 
consonants):  eksire  (CL.  $xlr8')  >  eissir  (158.  1). 


87.  Free  a  before  oral  and  nasal  consonants  remains  a  :  avaru^> 
aver.     After  palatals  (103)  it  becomes  $  :  caballu^>  chqval.     It  also 
becomes  §  when,  because  of  the  fall  of  a  consonant,  it  comes  to  stand 
before  u  :  sabucu  >  s$u  (106). 

88.  Checked  a  before  oral  consonants  remains  a  :  castellu  >  chastel. 

89.  Checked   a   before   nasal    consonants    becomes    a  :    cantare  > 
chanter. 

90.  a  -f  epenthetic   i    (35.    Note   1)   results   in   di,    which   then 
becomes  |t  (though  the  orthography  remains  ai  —  cf.  56)  :  tractare  > 
traitier  >>  trgitier  (158.  1)     Before  nasal  consonants  the  result  is  ai  : 
planksisti  (CL.  pl&nxtstl)  >  pldinsis  (163). 


91.  Free  Q  before  oral  consonants  becomes  ^,  written  indifferently 
u,  o,  and  ou  :  pryvare  (CL.  pr8bar$)  >  pryver  (in  the  manuscripts  we 
find  indiscriminately  all  three  forms  pruver,  prover,  prouver*). 


PRETONIC  VOWELS  39 

92.  Checked  p  before  oral  consonants  remains  p  :  pprtare  >  porter. 

93.  Free  and  checked  g  before  nasal  consonants  become  o  :  tynare 
>  soner. 

94.  g  -|-  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  becomes  §i  before  oral  conso- 
nants, oi  before  nasal  consonants  :  yctobre  >  §itouvre  (158.  1). 


95.  Free  and  checked  o  before  oral  consonants  become  u,  written 
either  u,  o,  or  ou  :  plorare  >  ptyrer . 

96.  Free  and  checked  o  before  nasal  consonants  become  o  :  donare 
>  dgner. 

97.  o  -f-  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  results  in  oi  before  oral  conso- 
nants, oi  before  nasal  consonants  :  potione  ]>  poison  (193). 


98.  Free  and  checked  u  before  oral  consonants  and  free  u  before 
nasal  consonants  become  u  (written  u  —  cf.  70)  :  usare  >  user. 

99.  Checked  u  before  nasal  consonants  becomes  u  :  lundie  (CL. 
lunae  dl$m    >  lundi. 


1OO.    u  -f-  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  results  in  ui  :  lucente^>luisant 
(135.  1).  ' 


au 

101.  Free   and   checked   au  before   oral   consonants   become   Q, 
before   nasal   consonants  o  :  pausare  >  pgser  ;   haunire  (a   borrowed 
word  —  Germanic  haunjan)  >  honir. 

102.  au  +  epenthetic  i  (35.  Note  1)  results  in  §i  :  nawiare  (CL. 
nausearZy  >  npisir  (196). 


40  THE  FIRST   OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 


CONSONANTS 

1O3.    From   Vulgar    Latin   Old   French   received   the    following 
consonants : 

Nasal 
Oral  Consonants  Consonants 


Surds    Sonants 

Surds    Sonants 

Labials 

P 

b 

/            v>   w 

Dentals 

t 

d 

s 

Mutes  Spirants  Liquids 

(All  liquids  and  nasal 
consonants  may  be 
considered  sonant.) 

m 

I,  r  n 

Palatals        £(133)  0(133)  2/(cf-  remark  before  150)  »&(178) 

Furthermore  :  the  aspirate,  h  (21-28) ;  and  the  semivowels,  i  and  u 
(cf.  the  last  paragraph  of  16-20).  The  difference  of  pronunciation 
between  i  and  y,  or  between  u  and  w  (13—14),  is  almost  inappreciable  : 
in  i  and  u  the  vowel  element  is  slightly  more  prominent  than  in  y  and 
w. — It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the  letters  of  the  above 
table  are  phonetic  symbols  (13-14),  and  that  several  of  them 
were  rarely  used  either  in  CL.  or  VL.  orthography :  k,  for 
example,  represents  the  sound  of  Tc  in  English,  which  sound  was 
usually  written  c  in  CL.  and  VL.  (the  combination  sound  ks  was 
written  x  in  CL.  and  VL. ). 

During  the  first  Old  French  period  these  consonants  made  many 
changes,  which  were,  of  course,  in  accordance  with  the  extreme 
tendency  of  the  language  toward  contraction  (1-4).  Two  main 
processes  of  development  may  be  noted  :  (1)  consonants  which  are 
initial  in  a  word  (like  the  first  c  in  calcare),  or  initial  in  a  syllable 
following  a  syllable  ending  in  a  consonant  (like  the  second  c  in 
calcare},  rendered  solid  and  steadfast  by  their  prominent  position  in 
the  word,  tend  to  remain  intact ;  (2)  consonants  which  are  intervocal 
(like  the  c  in  pacare),  or  final  in  a  syllable  followed  by  a  syllable 
beginning  with  a  consonant  (like  the  c  in  tractare),  tend  to  disinte- 


CONSONANTS  41 


grate,  as  it  were,  or  even  to  disappear  entirely.  Sections  104-206  are 
a  detailed  enumeration  of  the  results  of,  and  the  divergences  from, 
these  two  processes.  In  our  discussion  of  the  consonants  we  shall 
adopt  the  following  order:  labials,  exclusive  of  w  (cf.  154,  ff.), 
and  m  (cf.  178,  ff.) ;  dentals,  exclusive  of  /  and  r  (cf.  165,  ff.), 
and  72  (cf.  178,  ff.) ;  palatals,  exclusive  of  ^  (cf.  178,  ff.) ;  liquids; 
h ;  nasal  consonants ;  palatalized  consonants ;  labialized  conso- 
nants. 

Note  1.  We  shall  often  have  occasion  to  speak  of  'consonant  groups.' 
These  are  of  two  kinds :  a  *  primary '  group  is  one  already  existent  in  Vulgar 
Latin  (the  Id  of  caldanus) ;  a  '  secondary '  group  is  one  formed  by  an  Old  French 
syncope  (the  Vd  of  solder  <^  solidare).  Whenever  we  use  the  term  'consonant 
group '  without  further  specification,  let  it  be  understood  as  inclusive  of  both 
kinds;  and  whenever  we  use  the  terms  preconsonantal  and  postconso- 
nantal,  let  them  be  understood,  in  the  absence  of  a  statement  to  the 
contrary,  as  referring  to  consonants  in  secondary,  as  well  as  in  primary, 
groups. — The  component  elements  of  consonant  groups  sometimes  remain  un- 
changed, as  in  porta^>porte  (168),  but  usually  one  element  is  affected  by 
another,  a  process  called  'assimilation.'  Sometimes  assimilation  is  complete,  as 
in  scpte^>  set  (111),  sometimes  partial,  as  in  8emita^>  semta  (76)  >  sente  (here  a 
labial  becomes  a  dental  from  assimilation  to  a  following  dental — cf.  185).  In 
studying  cases  of  assimilation  it  is  of  practical  value  to  remember  that  the  first  of 
two  consonants  is  usually  assimilated  to  the  second  (cf.  what  has  been  said  just 
above  of  the  c  in  tractare).  It  is  also  well  to  bear  in  mind  that,  if  a  secondary 
group  consisting  of  a  surd  and  a  sonant  undergoes  an  assimilatory  process,  the 
resultant  combination  is  usually  surd  if  either  one  of  the  elements,  at  the  moment 
of  combination,  is  surd  ;  otherwise  the  resultant  combination  is  usually  sonant 
(cf.,  for  instance,  122.  2.  a,  141.  Note,  143.  2). 

Note  2.  Sonant  consonants  which  in  the  course  of  their  development  come 
to  be  final  in  Old  French,  become, surd  (nudu  > nud^>  nut — cf.  116).  It  must 
be  noted,  however,  that  a  consonant  which  is  final  in  the  literal  sense  of  the  word 
'final'  is  often  practically  medial.  Whenever  nud,  for  example,  was  immediately 
followed  in  connected  and  rapid  speech  by  a  word  beginning  with  a  vowel,  the 
$  was  practically  an  intervocal  consonant.  In  such  circumstances,  naturally, 
nud  did  not  become  nut.  Throughout  the  first  and  second  Old  French  periods, 
therefore,  words  ending  in  a  consonant  possessed  two  pronunciations,  choice  be- 
tween them  being  dependent  upon  position  in  the  sentence.  For  convenience, 
however,  we  shall  ignore  this  double  development ;  we  shall  assume  that  all  those 
final  consonants  which  we  shall  discuss  stand  before  a  pause.  Cf.  the  third 
paragraph  of  10-11,  and  277. 


42  THE  FIRST  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

Labials 

p    b  f  v 

104.  Initial  labials  remain  intact  :  vannu  >  van. 

105.  Intervocal  p   becomes    b    and    then    v  :  ripa  >  ribe  >>  rive. 
But  if  this  v  comes  to  be  final  in  OF.,  it  becomes  /  (103.  Note  2): 
*capu  (CL.  cap&t)  >  chiev  >  chief. 

106.  VL.   intervocal   b    had  become  v  before    the   beginning   of 
OF.  (21-28),  and  thereafter  developed  like  VL.  intervocal  v  ;  which 
remained  intact  (avaru  >  aver),  unless  it  came  to  be  final  in  OF., 
in   which   case  it   became  /  (vivu^>vif — cf.  103.  Note  2).     But   v 
disappeared  before  stressed  o  and  u  :  pavore  >>  paour. 

107.  Intervocal  /  disappears  :  *refusare  >>  reuser. 

108.  Double  labials  are   simplified:  ceppu   (CL.  clpp&m) >cep 
(41). 

109.  In  the  consonant-groups  pr,    br  (103.  Note  1)  the  labials 
become  v  :  fabru  ^>  fevre.     In   the  group  vr  the  v  remains  intact: 
vivere  ^>  vivre. 

HO.  pi  (103.  Note  1)  becomes  bl :  populu  >  pueble.      bl  and  fl 
remain  intact  :  *garofulu  (58.  2)  >  gerofle. 

111.  Before  other  consonants  than  r  and  I,  labials  disappear  com- 
pletely :  septe  >  set;  vivit  >  vivt  >  vit.     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

112.  Postconsonantal  labials  remain  intact  :  barba  >  barbe.     Cf. 
103.  Note  1. 

113.  If  a  postconsonantal  labial  comes  to  be  final  in  OF.  :  VL.  p 
remains' in  tact  (campu  >  champ)  ;  b  becomes  p  (orbu^>  orp)  ;  v  be- 
comes/ (cerwi  >  cerf)  •  /falls  (gomfu — CL.  gdmphum — >  gon~).    Cf. 
103.  Note  2. 

114.  Interconsonantal  jt),  6, /remain  intact  before  r  and  /  (drbore 
>ar6re),    but    disappear    before   other   consonants   (corpus  >  corps 
>>  cors).     Interconsonantal  v  disappears  (servus  >  servs  >>  sers)  ;  but 
in  the  groups  ntf  I  and  Iv'r  it  is  replaced  by  a  transitional  sound — nv*l 
becoming  mv'l  (184)  and  then  mbl,   Iv'r  becoming  Idr  (polvere> 
polvre  ^>  poire  >  poldre^. 


DENTALS  43 

Dentals 

t  d 

115.  Initial  dental  mutes  remain  intact ;  duru  >  dur. 

116.  Intervocal  t  became  d  ;  this  d  and  VL.  intervocal  d  there- 
after developed  alike  ;  they  weakened  to  the  sound  of  th  in  English 
brother,  which  then  became  less  and  less  audible,  until,  at  about  the  end 
of  the  first  period,  it  was  almost  silent  :  espata  (CL.  spatha^)  >  espede 

>  espede  (13-14).     But  when  d  came  to  be  final  in  OF.,  it  changed 
to  the  sound  of  th  in  English  thin  (103.  Note  2),  which  then  became 
less  and  less  audible,  and  by  1100  was  almost  silent  :  nudu  >  nud  > 
nut  [nut]. 

11.7.  1)    Double   dentals  (103.  Note  1)  are   simplified  :  cattu> 
chat. 

2)  The  groups  t'  d,  d' t,  become  t  :  netida  >  netda  >  nete. 

3)  In  the  secondary  groups  dental  -f-  ts,  dental  -f-  dz,  dental 
+  ts,  and  dental  -f-  dz,  the  first  dental  is   completely  assimilated  to 
the  second  :  judicare  ^>juddzier  (143.  2)  ^>judzier. 

118.  Intervocal   tr    (103.   Note  1)    becomes  dr,    and   thereafter 
develops  like  VL.   intervocal  dr  and  d'r.     The  dr  of  these  various 
proveniences  becomes  dr  :  poire  >  pedre. 

119.  Intervocal   tl   (103.   Note  1)    becomes  dl,    and    thereafter 
develops  like  VL.  intervocal  dl  and  d' I.      The  dl  of  these  various 
proveniences  becomes  dl :  Rodlandu  (a  Germanic  name,  Brofiland) 

>  Radiant. 

120.  Before   n  and   ra   the   dental   mutes   disappear  :  pldtanu  > 
platnu> plane.     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

121.  If  d,  whether  it  be  VL.   d  or  OF.   d  from  VL.   t  (116), 
comes  through  the  syncope  of  a  vowel  to  stand  before  s,  it  becomes  t 
(the  orthography  of  the  sound  ts  is  usually  z) :  amatis  >  amedis  > 
ameds^>  amets  [amez].     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

122.  Postconsonantal  dental  mutes  developed  as  follows  : 

1)    In  primary  groups  which  did  not  come  to  be  final  in  OF., 


44  THE  FIRST  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

t  and  d  remained  intact :  fontana  ]>  fontaine  ;  ardere  >  ardeir.     Cf. 
103.  Note  1. 

2)  In  secondary  groups  which  did  not  come  to  be  final  in  OF. ; 
(a)  d  remained  d  when  it  came  to  follow  a  sonant  consonant  in  OF., 
but  became  t  when  it  came  to  follow  a  surd  consonant  in  OF.  (cf. 
the  last  sentence  of  103.  Note  1);  this  latter  process  took  place  only 
when  the  surd  had  not  had  time,  the  syncope  being  early  (76.  Note 
2),  to   'disintegrate*    (103)  from  a  surd  to  a  sonant  before  coming 
into    contact    with    the   d  :   sdpidu  >  sabidu  (105)  >  sabdu  >  sade 
(111);  netida  >  netda  >  nete  (117.  2).      (b)  t  which  was  initial  in 
the  ultima  of  a  proparoxytone  came  into  contact  with  the  preceding 
consonant  (76)  before  the  change  of  intervocal  t  to  d  (116),  and  so, 
as    might    be    surmised    from    122.   1,    remained   t :    dmita  >  ante 
(185).      (c)  t  which  was  initial  in  the  tonic  syllable  of  a  paroxytone 
came  into  contact  with   the   preceding  consonant   (80.  2)   after  be- 
coming   d    (116);    this   d,    as    might    be    surmised    from    122.   1, 
remained  d  :  *sbbitdnu  (CL.  s&bitanZ&m)  >  sobdanu  >  sudain  (111). 
(No  OF.  word  contained  the  secondary  group  surd  -f  d  in  the  position 
under    discussion.       In   such   a    group   d  would    undoubtedly   have 
become  t — cf.  the  last  sentence  of  103.  Note  1. ) 

3)  When  postconsonantal  dental  mutes  came  to  be  final  in  OF., 
t  remained   t   and  d  became  t  (103.  Note  2):  tardu  >  tart ;  deyitu 
(CL.  digtttim)  >  deyt  >  deit  (158.  1). 

Note  1 .  Many  secondary  groups  consisting  of  consonant  -f-  dental  underwent 
the  influence  of  analogy  (cf.  the  second  paragraph  of  10-11).  For  instance, 
dobitdre  >  duter  (instead  of  duder)  from  analogy  with  dutet  <^dobitat. 

Note  2.  Comparison  of  such  developments  as  amita^>  ante  and  *sobitanu^> 
sudain  shows  that  as  a  rule  unstressed  penult  vowels  fell  out  before  post-secondary- 
stress  vowels  did.  Cf.  143.  Note  2,  and  148.  Note. 

123.  Interconsonantal  t  remains  intact  before  r  and  s  ;  interconso- 
nantal  d  remains  intact  before  r,  but  becomes  t  before  s  ;  otherwise 
interconsonantal  dental  mutes  disappear  :  perdere  >  perdre  ;  tendit  > 
tendt>tent.      Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

124.  Final  dental  mutes,  if  they  follow  a  vowel,  gradually  become 


DENTALS  45 

less  and  less  audible,  both  t  and  d  becoming  t  :  ad  >  ad  ]>  at  (written 
indiscriminately  aJ  ad,  at).  But  if  they  follow  a  consonant  (103. 
Note  1 )  the  result  is  t :  valet  >  valt  (  >  vaut  before  the  end  of  the 

first  OF.  period^cf.  174).     Cf.  103.  Note  2. 

/ 
Note.   Some  verb-endings  have  t  when  we  should  expect  t ;   some  have  t 

when  we  should  expect  £  :  for  example,  at  <  abet  (CL.  hdbSt).  The  cause  of  an 
irregularity  of  this  nature  is  usually  some  analogical  or  syntactical  influence  (cf. 
10-11). 


125.  Initial  s  remains  intact  :  sanu  >  sain. 

126.  Intervocal   8   becomes   z    [s]  :  pausare  >  pozer  \jposer] .     If 
this  z  comes  to  be  final  in  OF.,  it  becomes  s  again  (103.  Note  2)  : 
nasu  >  nez  >  nes. 

127.  Double  s  is  simplified  (written  ss  when  intervocal,  s  other- 
wise) :  *fossa  (60)  >  fose  [fosse]  ;  passu  >  pas. 

128.  Before  surd  mutes  s  remains  intact  :  festa  >  feste.     In  the 
group  sts,  however,  it  disappears  :  ostes  (CL.  hastes')  >  osts  >  ots  [oz 
— cf.  121].     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

129.  Before  other  consonants  than  surd   mutes  (but  cf.   130)  s 
first  becomes  z  and  then  disappears  (but  remains  orthographically) : 
asinu  >  asnu  ^>  aznu  >  ane  [asne\.     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

130.  The  group  ss'r  becomes  sir  :  essere  (CL.  ^sse~)  >  esre  (127) 
>  estre  ;  s'r   becomes   zdr  and   then   dr  :  *cosere  (CL.  consu$re")  > 
cwzre  (129)  >  cuzdre  >  cudre. 

131.  Postconsonantal   s   remains   s  (written   ss  when   intervocal, 
otherwise  s)  :  orsu  (CL.  -ftrs&w)  >  urs. 

132.  ;Final  s  remains  intact  (103.  Note  2)  :  plus^>plus.     When 
it  comes  to  follow  a  t  in  OF. ,  the  combination  is  usually  written  z  : 
amantes  >  amants  [amanz~\ . 

,The  Palatals  before  Vowels 

133.  The  VL.   palatal  mutes  before  vowels  had  three  different 
shades  of  pronotjnciation — -and  therefore  developed  in  three  different 
manners — according  to  the  place  of  contact  between  the  tongue  and 
palate.     When  they  were  followed  by  o  or  u  the  contact  of  the  tongue 


46  THE   FIRST   OLD  FRENCH  PERIOD 

was  with  the  soft  palate  (velar  palatals — represented  in  this  grammar 
by  k,  g) ;  when  followed  by  a  or  au  the  contact  was  with  the  back  of  the 
hard  palate  (postpalatals — represented  by  kl,  gl~) ;  when  followed  by  e 
or  i  the  contact  was  with  the  middle  of  the  hard  palate  (mediopalatals 
— represented  by  k2,  ^2).  It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  k,  kl,  and 
&2  were  all  written  c  in  VL. ,  and  corresponded  to  c  in  CL. 

Note  1.  VL.  g*  became  y  even  before  the  end  of  the  VL.  period  (21-28). 
For  its  development  during  OF.,  cf.  150  ff. 

Note  2.  Palatals,  when  they  stood  before  tonic  free  a,  tonic  free  e,  or 
initial  syllable  pretonic  free  a,  generated  an  £,  which  then  combined  with  the  a 
or  e  in  various  ways  (cf.  the  remark  immediately  before  191) .  Since  we  have 
already  described  the  results  of  these  combinations  (39.  1 ;  40.  1 ;  52.  1  ;  53. 
1 ;  56  ;  87),  we  shall  exclude  all  mention  of  them  from  the  following  sections. 

k2  (For#2,  cf.  133.  Notel.) 

134.  Initial  If  becomes  ts  [c]  :  cervu  >  tserf  [cerf] . 

135.  Intervocal  &2  becomes  dz  (the  sound  of  ds-y  in  the  English 
words  bids  you}.     This  dz  soon  loses  its  palatalization  (13-14),  but 
generates  an  epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel.     Then  : 

1)  When  it  remains  intervocal  in  OF.,  it  becomes  z  [s]  :  lucent 

>  ludzent  >  lu-idzent  >  luidzent  (72)  >  luizent  \_luisenf]. 

2)  When  it  comes  to  be  final  in  OF.,  it  becomes  ts  (103.  Note 
2) :  vgce  >  vodze  ]>  vo-idz  >  voidz  (68)  >  voits  [voiz  —  cf.  121] . 

3)  When  it  comes  to  stand  before  t  in  OF.,  it  becomes  s  :  dpcet 

>  dufa  >  du$dzt  >  dufidzt  >  duidzt  (62)  >  duist.    Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

136,  sit?  (103.  Note  1)  becomes  s  ;  then,  losing  its  palatalization, 
but  generating  an  epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel,  becomes  s 
(  when  intervocal  written  ss,  otherwise  s) :  vascellu  >  vasel  >  va-isel  > 
vdisel  [vaissel~\  (90). 

137,  After  other  consonants  than  s,  k*  becomes  ts  (written  z  when 
final,  otherwise   c) :   romice    (CL.  rttm&j£m)  >>  rontse   [ronce]  :   do  Ice 
(CL.   dulcZm)  >  dibits  \_dolz~] .      The  group  kk2  becomes  ts  :    baccinu 

>  batsin  \bacin].     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 


PALATALS  47 

kl   gl 

138.  Initial  gl  becomes  dz  (written/  before  a,  o,  u  ;  g  before  e,  i) : 
gamba  ^>  dzambe  \_jambe~\. 

139.  Initial  kl  becomes  <s  [cA]:  earn  >  £sier  [cAier]  (133.  Note  2). 

140.  Intervocal  &1  became  g\  and  thereafter  developed  like  VL. 
gl,  which  : 

1)  After  a,   e,  i,   became   y,  generating   at   the  same  time  an 
epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel:  plaga  ^>pla-iye^>pldiye  (56). 
The  orthography  was  plaie — the  i,  exactly  like  an  intervocal  y  in 
modern  French,  did  double  duty,  representing  both  the  epenthetic  i 
and  the  y.    If  the  preceding  vowel  was  i,  both  the  epenthetic  i  and 
the  y  were  completely  assimilated  to  it :  arnica  >  amiga  >  ami-iye  ]> 
ami-ye  (38)  >  cwwe.     If  the  preceding  vowel  was  tonic  g,  it  and  the 
epenthetic  i  and  the  y  blended  into  one  i  :  ngcat  >  ni-yet  (50)  >  me£. 

2)  After  w  and  o,  disappeared  completely,  not  even  influencing 
a  following  a  or  e  (cf.  133.  Note  2) :  locare  >  /wer  (52.  1). 

141.  Postconsonantal  gl  becomes  dz  (written  j  be/ore  a,  o,  u  ;  gr 
bpfore  e,  i)  :  navigare  ^>navgare  >  nadzier  [nagier]  (111).     Cf.  133. 
Note  2. 

Note.     No  VL.  word  contained  the  group  surd  +  flr1.       In  such  a  group  g1 
would  undoubtedly  have  become  tt  (cf.  the  last  sentence  of  103.  Note  1). 

142.  1)    Postconsonantal  &1  in  primary  consonant  groups  becomes 
ts  [ch~]  :  marcare^>  martsier  [marchier]  (133.  Note  2). 

2)    kkl  becomes  ts  :  peccatu  ^>  petsiet  (133.  Note  2). 

143.  In  secondary  consonant  groups,  postconsonantal  kl  developed 
in  a  twofold  manner  : 

1)  kl  which  was  initial  in  the  ultima  of  a  proparoxytone  came 
into  contact  with  the  preceding  consonant  (76)  before  the  change  of 
intervocal  kl  to  gl  (140),  and  so,  as  might  be  surmised  from  142.  1, 
became  ts  :  manica  >  manca  >  mantse  [manehe] . 

2)  kl  which  was  initial  in  the  tonic  syllable  of  a  paroxytone 
came  into  contact  with  the  preceding  consonant  (80.  2)  after  becoming 
gl  (140);   this   gl,  in  accordance   with  141  and  141.  Note,  became 


48  THE  FIRST  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

either  dz  or  ts,  according  as  it  came  into  contact  with  a  sonant  or  a 
surd  (cf.  the  last  sentence  of  103.  Note  1):  dUicatu  >  deligatu  > 
deldziet  [delgief]  (133.  Note  2);  *cloppicare  ]>  cloppigare  ]>  clotsier 
[clockier]  (111). 

Note  1.  Many  secondary  groups  consisting  of  consonant  -f-  k  or  g  underwent 
the  influence  of  analogy.  For  instance,  caballicdre  ^>  chevaltsier  ( instead  of  chev- 
aldzier)  from  analogy  with  chevcdtset  <^  cabdllicat. 

Note  2.  The  comparison  of  such  processes  as  manica  >  manche  and  delicatu 
^>  delgiet  confirms  the  inference  of  122.  Note  2. 


144.  Initial  g  and  k  remain  intact :  gotta  (CL.  gutta)  >>  gute  ;  cur  a 
>  cure. 

145.  Intervocal  k  became  g,  and  then,  together  with  VL.  inter- 
vocal  g,  became  silent :  paucu>p$u  (77  and  75);  fagu>f$u  (77 
and  57).     This  process  was  completed  very  early  in  the  first  OF. 
period. 

Note.  In  certain  words  g  and  k,  in  becoming  silent,  generate  an  epenthetic  i  : 
*veracu  (CL.  verdcem)  >  verdi  (56).  In  some  of  these  words  the  i  seems  to  be  due 
to  analogical  influence,  in  some  to  syntactical,  in  some  to  dialectal  ;  in  still  others 
(as  in  verai)  it  has  not  yet  been  satisfactorily  explained. 

146.  The  primary  consonant  group  sk  becomes  s,  at  the  same  time 
generating  an  epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel  :  nasco  >  na-is  > 
ndis  (56).     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

147.  1)    In  all  primary  consonant  groups  except  sk,  postconsonan- 
tal  k  and  g  remain  intact :  arcu  >  arc.     But  when  postconsonantal  g 
comes  to  be  final  in  OF.,  it  becomes  k  (103.  Note  2) :  largu>  larg  > 
larc. 

2)    JDouble  k  is  simplified  :  saccu  >  sac. 

148.  1 )    k  which  was  initial  in  the  tonic  syllable  of  a  paroxytone 
came  into  contact  with  the  preceding  consonant  (80.  2)  after  becoming 
g  (145);  this  g,  as  might  be  surmised  from   147.   1,   remained  g: 
vZrecundia  >  veregundia  >  vergogne.      (No  VL.  word  contained  the 
secondary  group  surd  -j-  k  in  the  position  under  discussion.       In  such 


PALATALS  49 


a  group  k  would   undoubtedly  have   remained   intact — cf.  the  last 
sentence  of  103.  Note  1. ) 

2)  Some  VL.  proparoxy tones  ended  in  -iku  (CL.  -fote). 
This  Jc,  before  it  came  into  contact  with  the  preceding  consonant  (76), 
had  'disintegrated' — cf.  103 — not  only  into  g  (145),  but  even  from 
g  into  y  ;  this  y  became  ts  if  it  came  into  contact  with  an  OF.  surd, 
dz  if  with  an  OF.  sonant  (cf.  the  last  sentence  of  103.  Note  1): 
portion  >  portiyu  >  porttse  >  portse  \_porche]  (for  the  disappearance 
of  the  first  t,  cf.  117.  3);  medicu  >  miediyu  ]>  mieddze  >  miedze 
[miege']  (117.  3). 

Note.  We  have  seen  ( 122.  Note  2,  and  143.  Note  2 )  that  unstressed  penult 
vowels  usually  dropped  out  earlier  than  post-secondary-stress  vowels.  But  com- 
parison of  such  processes  as  verecundia  >  vcrgogne  and  medicu  >  miege  leads  us  to 
infer  that  the  i  of  the  proparoxytonic  ending  -icu  dropped  out  very  late,  even 
later  than  the  post-secondary-stress  vowels  did. 

Final  Jc 

149.  Those  few  VL.  words  which  end  in  k  show  no  uniformity 
of  development.     For  instance  :  poroc  (CL.  pro  hoc}  >  poruee  ;  iliac 
>  la  ;  fac  >  fa-i  >fdi  (56).     Cf.  103.  Note  2. 

y 

VL.  y  corresponds  to  CL.  j  in  all  positions, 

g  before  e,  g  before  i  (cf.    133.   Note  1),  gi 

before  a  vowel,  ge  before  a  vowel,  di  before  a 

vowel,   de  before  a  vowel ;  having   come,   of  ^ft 

course,  from  earlier  VL.  j9  etc.  ,    ^^ 

150.  Initial  y  becomes  dz  (written  ?  before  a,  o,  u  ;  g  before  e,  i) : 
yornu  (CL.  diurnum)  ^>jurn. 

151.  Posttonic  intervocal  y  remains  y,  at  the  same  time  generating 
an  epenthetic  i  after  the   preceding  vowel  :  ngyent  (CL.  n&g&nf)  > 
n$-iyent  >  niyent  (50)  (written  nient,  the  i  doing  double  duty — cf. 
140.  1).      But   when   the   preceding  vowel   is   t,    iy  is   completely 


50  THE  FIRST   OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

assimilated  to  it  :  riyant  (CL.  rldtant}  >  ri-iyent  >  ri-yent  (38)  > 
rient.  And  when  the  y  comes  to  be  final  in  OF.,  it  disappears  (103. 
Note  2) :  mayu  (CL.  mdjum)  >  ma-iy  >  mdi  (56). 

152.  Pretonic  intervocal  y  is  assimilated  to  a  following  tonic  j  or  u  : 
reyina  (CL.  reglnti)  >  r$ine  ;  yeyunu  (GLi.  jejunum}  ^>j$un.      Before 
other  tonic  vowels  it  remains  y,  at  the  same  time  generating  an  epenthetic 
i  after   the  preceding  vowel  :    may  ore  (CL.  majorem)  >  ma-iyour  > 
mdiyour  (written  maiour,  the  i  doing  double  duty — cf.  140.  1);  payese 
(CL.  pdgensem — for  disappearance  of  n,  cf.  21-28)  >  pa-iyes  > pdiyis 
( written  pais,  the  i  here  doing  triple  duty)  (133.  Note  2,  and  39.  1). 

153.  1)  y  after  r  becomes  dz  (written  j  before  a,  o,  u  ;  g  before 
e,  i}  :    aryentu  (CL.  tirgenttim')  >  ardzent  [argent].     But  when  the 
dz  comes  to  stand  before  a  consonant  in  OF. ,  it  disappears  :   teryit 
(CL.  ttrgtt}>terdzt>tert.     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

2)  ly,  ny  (178)  become  /'  n,  which  thereafter  develop  like 
I1  and  n  of  other  provenience,  as  explained  in  detail  in  159  and  160. 
Cf.  also  200  and  203. 

Tew     gw 

VL.  kw  corresponds  to  CL.  qu  before  a 
vowel ;  VL.  gw  corresponds  to  CL.  gu 
before  a  vowel,  and  to  Germanic  w  ; 
having  come,  of  course  from  earlier  VL. 
qu  -f-  vowel,  etc. 

154.  Initial  gw  and  kw  become  g  and  k  (usually  written  gu  and 
qu)  :   tgwardare    (borrowed  from   the    Germanic  wardon)  >  garder 
[guarder~\  ;  kwando  (CL.  quando)  >  leant  \_quant~\. 

155.  The  few  words  which    contain  intervocal  gw  and   kw  show 
inexplicable  differences  of  development.     The  most  common  process  is 
perhaps  this  :  gw  and  kw  both  become  v,  at  the  same  time  generating 
an   epenthetic   i    after   the   preceding   vowel  :   akwa  (CL.   aqua)  > 
a-ive  >  dive  (56). 

156.  Postconsonantal  gw  and  kw  become  g  and  k  \_gu  and  qu~\  : 
ongwentu  (CL.  fonguZntiMnri)  >  ongent  [pnguent~\.     But  when  g  from 


PALATALS  51 

gw  comes  to  be  final  in  OF.,   it  becomes  k  (103.  Note  2):  sangwe 
(CL.  s&nguem)  >  sang  >  sank  \_sanc] . 

The  Palatals  before  Consonants 

157.  Initial  palatals  before  consonants  remain  unchanged  :  granu 

>  gram. 

158.  1)    When  the  group  palatal  -f-  consonant  (103.  Note  1)  fol- 
lows a  vowel,  the  palatal  becomes  y,  which  then  palatalizes  (13-14) 
the  consonant.     This  palatalization  then  disappears,  but  not  before 
generating  an  epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel  :   negru  (CL. 
nigrtim)  >  ne-yr  >  ne-r  ]>  ne-ir  >  neir  (44)  ;  tractdre  >  tra-ytare  > 
tra-tare>tra~itier  (133.  Note  2)  >  trditier  (56). 

2)  In  the  groups  cti  and  cs  -j-  consonant  (103.  Note  1),  the 
c  disappears  without  generating  an  epenthetic  i  :  *tractiat  >  tratset 
[tracef]  (195);  extenders  (ex  =  ecs)  >>  estendre. 

159.  Palatal  -f  I  (103.  Note  1)  becomes  V.     This  ?  if  it  is  inter- 
vocal  or  final  in  OF.,  remains  ^(written  ill  when  intervocal  ;  il  when 
final)  :  veyildre  (CL.  vigMarfy  >  veylare  ^>  vel'are  ^>  vel'ier   [yeillier~\ 
(133.  Note  2).     If  it  comes  to  stand  before  a  consonant  in  OF.,  it 
loses  its  palatalization  (before  «,  however,  generating  a  transitional  t)  : 
vgclus  (CL.  v&t&l&s)  ^>  mel's  ^>  vielts  [vielz]. 

160.  Palatal  +  n  (103.  Note  1)  becomes  n.     This  h,  if  it  comes 
to  be  final  in  OF.,  remains  h,  at  the  same  time  generating  an  epen- 
thetic i  after  the  preceding  vowel  (this  in  is  usually  written  ing)  : 
pognu  (CL.  phgniLm)  > po-in /> poin  \_poing]  (68).     If  it  comes  to 
stand  before  a  consonant  in  OF. ,  it  loses  its  palatalization,  but  gene- 
rates an  epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel  :  degnet  (CL.  dfynttt) 

>  de-int  ]>  dgint  (44).      If  the  consonant  be  s,   a  transitional  t  is 
inserted  :  pognus ^> poins  (68)  ^> points  [poinz\.     If  it  is  intervocal 
in  OF.,  it  remains  n  [ign]  but  does  not  generate  an  epenthetic  i  : 
degnat  >  dghet  \_deignef]  (42). 

161.  In  the  following  groups  (103.  Note  1)  the  palatal  remains 
intact):  ngl  (pronounced  ri^gl — cf.  178,  and  also  187),  ncl,  rcl.     For 
example  :  angulu  >  anglu  ^>  angle. 


52  THE  FIRST   OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

162.  In  the  following  groups,  whether  primary  or  secondary,  the 
palatal  disappears  without  leaving  any  trace  :  res,  rcn,  rgl,  scl,  ryl, 
ryn,  rys,  ryt.     For  example  :  mdsculu  >  masclu  >  masle  (>  male — 
cf.  129).     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

163.  When  a  preconsonantal  palatal  follows  n  (pronounced  TJ— 
cf.  178,  and  also  187)  or  s,  except  in  the  groups  mentioned  in  161 
and  162,  it  drops  out,  but  causes  palatalization  of  the  n  or  s  ;  this 
palatalization  then  disappears,  but  generates  an  epenthetic  i  after  the 
preceding  vowel.     In  the  group  ny'r  a  transitional  d  is  also  inserted, 
and  in  the  groups  wc'r,   sc'r   a  transitional  t:  pascit  >  pasct  >  past 
>  pa-ist  >  pdist  (56)  ;    tenyere  (CL.   tingere)  >  tenyre  >  tenre  >> 
te-indre  ]>  tgindre  (44). 

164.  In  the  following  groups  the  palatal  is  replaced .  by  a  transi- 
tional t  or  d,  but  no  epenthetic  i  is  generated  :  reV  >  rtr  •  ry'r^>  rdr ; 
Ig'r  >  Idr.     For  example  :  cdrcere  >  charcre  >>  chartre. 

Liquids 

v      r 

It  should  be  borne  in  mind  that  the 
modern  French  pronunciation  of  r  (the 
so-called  'uvular  r')  existed  neither  in 
VL.  nor  in  OF.  Until  the  17th  cen- 
tury r  was  pronounced  with  the  tip  of 
the  tongue. 

165.  Initial  r  remains  intact  :  risu  >  ris. 

166.  Intervocal  r  remains  intact  :  earn  >  chier. 

167.  Double  r  remains  intact  when  it  is  still  intervocal  in  OF. 
(terra  >  terre) ;   but  it  is  simplified  if  it  comes  to  be  preconsonantal 
or  final  in  OF.  (carru  >  char). 

168.  Preconsonantal  r   remains  intact :  porta  >porte.     Cf.   103. 
Note  1. 


LIQUIDS  AND   H  53 

169.    Postconsonantal  r  remains  intact  :  labra  >  levre.     Cf.  103. 
Note  1. 

1  7O.    Final  r  remains  intact  :  cor  >  cuer. 


171.  Initial  I  remains  intact  :  luna^>  lune. 

172.  Intervocal  I  remains  intact  :  tela  >  teile. 

173.  Double  I  is  simplified  :  bella  >  bele. 

174.  1)    Preconsonantal  I  (including  I  from  II)  becomes  ^  when  it 
follows  a,  and  then  combines  with  the  a  into  a  diphthong  :  /afcte  > 
fans  ;  valles  >  w/s  >  -yaws.       Otherwise  preconsonantal  I  remains  in- 
tact, though  it  becomes  y,  after  almost  all  vowels  at  the   very  begin- 
ning of  the  second  OF.  period  (281).     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

2)    Vr  and  IV  r  become  Idr  (udr  after  a):  tollere^>  tolre^> 
told  re. 

175.  After  labials  and  r  and  s,  I  remains  intact:   Cdrolus  >  Car- 
lus^>  Charles.     For  Rafter  other  dentals,  cf.  119.     For  I  after  pala- 
tals, cf.  159.     For  I  after  nasals,  cf.  186.     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

176.  Final  I  remains  intact  :  mel  >  miel. 


The  Aspirate,  h 

177.  h  remains  intact  :  hag  a  (borrowed  from  Germanic  hag  a)  > 
haie. 

Nasal  Consonants 

178.  VL.  had  three  nasal  consonants  :  mt  nt  and  93  (rj  =  n  before 
VL.  k  and  g  ;  pronounced  like  ng  in  English  sing). 

Note.  In  the  following  paragraphs  we  omit,  for  the  sake  of  simplicity,  all 
mention  of  the  effect  of  the  nasal  consonants  on  the  preceding  vowel:  cf.  35. 
Note  3  ;  and,  for  the  tonic  vowels,  37,  38,  40,  etc.  ;  for  the  initial-syllable 
pretonic  vowels,  82,  83,  85,  etc.  In  this  regard,  however,  the  following 
two  differences  between  modern  and  Old  French  should  be  noted:  (1) 
In  modern  French  a  vowel  or  diphthong  is  not  nasal  if  the  n  or  in  is  immediately 

4 


54  THE   FIRST   OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

followed  by  a  vowel ;  in  Old  French  a  vowel  or  diphthong  was  nasal  under  those 
conditions  :  OF.  aimes  (  <^  VL.  amas).  (2)  In  modern  French  the  nasal  conson- 
ant is  silent ;  in  Old  French  it  was  pronounced  :  OF.  an  (  <^  annu )  was  pronounced 
an ;  modern  French  an  is  pronounced  without  any  dental  contact  whatever.  Cf .  249. 

1 79.  Initial  nasal  consonants  remain  intact  :  nudu  >  nut. 

180.  Intervocal  nasal  consonants,  if  they  are  still  intervocal  in 
OF. ,  remain  intact  :  clamare  >  darner.     But  when  they  come  to  be 
final  in  OF.,  m  becomes  n,  n  remains  n  (103.  Note  2):  amo^>  aim 

>  ain  [aim  or  am]  ;  vinu  >  mn. 

181.  Double  nasal  consonants  are  simplified  :  annellu  >  anel.     If 
n  from  nn  comes  to  stand  before  s  in  OF. ,  a  transitional  t  is  inserted  : 
annus  ]>  ans  >  ants  [anz — cf.  121]. 

182.  The   group  mn  (103.  Note  1)  becomes  mm  and   then  m: 
6mine  (CL.  homlnem')  >  omne  >  omme  >  ome.     For  mni,  cf.  204. 

183.  The  group   nm  (103.   Note  1)  also  becomes   m:  anima> 
anme  >  ame. 

184.  Before  labials   m  remains  intact  ;  n  becomes  m  :  amplu  > 
ample  ;  OF.  en  -f-  OF.  porter  (12.  Note)  >  enporter  >  emporter.    Cf. 
103.  Note  1. 

185.  Before   dentals  n  remains  intact ;   m  becomes  n  :  ventu  > 
vent ;  semita  >  semte  >  sente.    Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

186.  When  the  nasal  consonants  come  to  stand  before  I  and  r  in 
OF. ,  there  arises  a  transitional  sound,  b  after  m,  d  after  n  :  tremuldre 

>  tremler  >  trembler  ;  teneru  ]>  tenre  >  tendre.     Cf.  189.  2. 

187.  rj  (178)  remains  intact  as  long  as  it  is  followed  by  a  palatal : 
loi^gu  >  lonp  \lonc\ .     But  if  the  following  palatal  disappears,  the  rj 
changes  in  various  ways  (153.  2,  and  163).     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

188.  After  labials  and  dentals  the  nasal  consonants  remain  intact 
(except  n  after  m — cf.  182) :  verme  >  verm  ;  cornu  >  corn.     For  the 
development  of  n  after  palatals,  cf.  160.     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

189.  1)    In  the  groups  rm's,  rn's,  rm't,  rn'tfthe  nasal  consonants 
disappear  :  dormit  >  dormt  >  dort.     Cf.  103.  Note  1. 

2)    rm'r  becomes  rbr  :  marmore  >  marbre. 

190.  Final  m  (there  were  very  few  in  VL. — cf.  21-28)  becomes 
n  ;  final  n  remains  intact  :  rem  >  rien  ;  non  >  non. 


PALATALIZED  CONSONANTS          55 

i 

The  Consonants  +  i 

Cf.  the  last  paragraph  of  16-20.  The 
effect  of  palatalized  consonants  upon  an 
ensuing  a  or  e  was  exactly  that  of  pala- 
tals— cf.  133.  Note  2.  For  the  reason 
stated  in  133.  Note  2,  we  will  exclude 
all  mention  of  this  process  from  the 
following  sections.  Cf.  also  348.  2. 

bi   vi 

191.  bi  and  vi  become  dz  ( written  j  before  a,  o,  u  ;  g  before  e,  i): 
Arabia  (CL.  rabies)  >  rage  ;  cambiare  ]>  changier. 

pi  fi 

192.  1)   pi  becomes  ts  [ch~]  .  sapia  >  sache. 

2)  fi  becomes  /,  at  the  same  time  generating  an  epenthetic  i 
after  the  preceding  vowel  :  cofia  (borrowed  from  Germanic  kupphja) 
>  co-ife  >  wife  (68). 


193.  Intervocal  ti  becomes  z  [s] ,  at  the  same  time  generating  an 
epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel  :  pgtione  >  po-izon  >>  pSizon 
[poison]  (97).     When  the  iz  comes  to  be  final  in  OF.,  it  becomes  is 
(103.  Note  2)  :  palatiu  >  paldis  (56). 

194.  sti  becomes  s  (written  ss  when  intervocal  ;  s  when  final),  at 
the  same  time  generating  an  epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel  : 
angostia  (CL.  tingtistia')  ^>  ango-isse  >  angoisse  (68). 

195.  After  other  consonants  than  s,  ti  becomes  ts  (written  e  when 
intervocal  ;  z  when  final)  :  *captiare  (CL.  cftptarfy  ^>  chacier  (cf. 
statement  immediately  preceding  191). 


196.    Intervocalic  si  becomes  z  [s~] ,  at  the  same  time  generating  an 


56  THE  FIRST  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

epenthetic  t  after  the  preceding  vowel  :  basiat  >  ba-izet  >  bdizet 
[baisef]  (56).  If  the  iz  comes  to  be  final  in  OF.,  it  becomes  is  (103. 
Note  2):  pertusiu  (CL.  p&rtus&m)  >  pertuis  (72). 

197.  ssi  becomes  s  (written  ss  when  intervocal  ;  s  when  final), 
generating  at  the  same  time  an  epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel  : 
*bassiare  ]>  ba-isier  >  bdisier  \baissier]  (cf.  90  ;  also  cf.  statement 
immediately  preceding  191). 


198.  Intervocal  ki  becomes  ts  (written  c  when  intervocal  ;  z  when 
final):  solaciu  (CL.  solatium)  >  solats  [solaz~\. 

199.  Postconsonantal  ki  likewise  becomes  ts  ;  except  in  the  group 
ski,  which  becomes  s  (written  ss  when  intervocal  ;  s  when  final),   at 
the  same  time  generating  an  epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel  : 
lancia  (CL.  lancZa)  >  lance  ;  fascia  ^>fa-isse  ^>fdisse  (56). 


200.  li  and  Hi  become  I1,  which  then  develops  like  the  V  discussed 
in  159  :  polio,  (CL.  paled)  >>  pal'e  [paille]  ;  melius  ^>  mielts  [mielz]. 

. 
n 

201.  Intervocal  ri  becomes  r,  at  the  same  time  generating  an  epen- 
thetic i  after  the  preceding  vowel  :  variu  >>  va-ir  >  vdir  (56). 

202.  Postconsonantal  ri  becomes  r,  at  the  same  time  generating  an 
epenthetic  i  after  the  preceding  vowel  :  pstria  (CL.  8str$a')  >  p-istre 
>  uistre  (62). 

Note.     The   VL.  suffix  -dr^u,  through  some  influence  not  yet  satisfactorily 
explained,  becomes  OF.  -ier  :  vZriydriu  (CL.  vlrldlarWim.  )  ^>  rerdzier  [yergicr]. 

ni 

203.  Intervocal  ?ij,  nm,  gni,  become  n,  which  then  develops  like 
the  n  discussed  in  160  :  yuniu  (CL.  jurilum)  ~^>  juin  \_juing~\  (72); 
yunius  ^>  juinz  ;  seniore  ^>  sgnour  [seignour]  . 

204.  mni  generally  becomes  ndz  (written  nj  before  a,  o,  u  ;   ?*# 
before  e,  i):  somniare  ^>  sondzier  [songier~\  (cf.  statement  immediately 
preceding  191). 


LABIALIZED   CONSONANTS  57 

mi 

205.  mi  and  mmi  become  ndz  (written  nj  before  a,  o,  u  ;  ng  before 
e,  i)  :  simiu  >  singe. 

The  Consonants  -f  u 

Cf.  the  last  two  paragraphs  of  16—20. 

206.  1)    Almost  all  intervocal  groups  consisting  of  a  consonant 
-j-  u  (a  consonant  followed  by  u  is  called  a  '  labialized  '   consonant) 
become  v:  vedua  (CL.  vidua)  >  veve  (41). 

2)    Intervocal  nu  and  ?inu  become  TIV:  annuale  ^>  anvel. 


Note.  The  group  consonant  -f  u  occurs  very  frequently  in  the  perfect  tenses 
of  strong  verbs  :  abui  (CL.  hdbUl),  abuisti,  etc.  But  its  development  in  these 
forms  is  extremely  complicated.  No  definite  formula  obtains.  We  can  only  say 
that  usually  the  consonant  drops  out,  the  u  then  combining  in  some  manner  with 
the  preceding  vowel  :  debuit^>dut  (45). 


CHAPTER  IV 
THE  SECOND  OLD  FRENCH  PERIOD 

The  following  sections  present  the  de- 
velopment down  to  ca.  1515  of  those 
sounds  existent  ca.  1100.  To  attempt  to 
date  otherwise  than  very  approximately 
the  changes  which  took  place  between 
1100  and  1515  would  lead  too  far 
afield — cf.  31.  Note.  We  do  so  only 
in  especial  cases.  In  our  illustrative 
sequences  the  first  form  is,  unless 
otherwise  stated,  Vulgar  Latin;  the 
second  is  Old  French  of  ca.  1100 ; 
the  last  is  Old  French  of  ca.  1515. 

VOWELS 

2O7.  The  extreme  tendency  toward  contraction  (1-4)  is  still 
strong,  showing  itself  especially  in  the  reduction  of  diphthongs  to 
monophthongs.  Following  is  a  detailed  discussion  of  vowel -develop- 
ment during  the  period. 

Note.  As  to  vowel-quantity,  the  second  period  was  transitional.  On  the  one 
hand,  not  only  those  slight  quantitative  differences  which  had  remained  through 
the  first  period  (35.  Note  2),  but  even  the  difference  between  e  and  8  (ibid.), 
tended  to  disappear  entirely,  both  long  and  short  vowels  converging  toward  one 
duration,  probably  rather  short  than  long  ;  on  the  other  hand,  the  germs  of  the 
modern  French  quantity-system  ( in  which  vowel-quantity  varies  according  to  the 
presence  or  absence  of  certain  consonants,  and  according  to  the  distance  of  the 
vowel  in  question  from  the  end  of  the  phrase  or  breath-group)  were  undoubtedly 
already  present.  It  is  therefore  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  to  draw  detailed  con- 
58 


ORAL  TONIC  VOWELS  59 

elusions  as  to  quantity.  In  this  grammar  we  shall  be  content  with  the  general 
conclusion  that  during  the  second  period  there  were  no  important  quantitative 
differences  ;  save,  of  course,  that  diphthongs  were  longer  than  simple  vowels. 
In  the  following  sections  we  shall  disregard  the  question  of  quantity  (except 
in  210  and  211— cf.  35.  Note  2).  As  to  stress,  cf.  35.  Note  4,  and  79.  Note. 


Oral  Tonic  Vowels  and  Diphthongs 


208.  For  provenience,  cf.  36  ;  38  ;  39.  1  ;  43  ;  50  ;  56. 

209.  i   remains  intact  :  dicere  >  dire  ]>  dire,      i  -f-  I*  (281)  be- 
comes i  :  gentilis  >  gentils  >  gentis. 


21O.    For  provenience,  cf.  39.  2;  41.     For  developmept,  cf.  211 


211.  For  provenience,  cf.  52.  1.  During  the  thirteenth  century 
both  e  and  e  (210),  losing  their  quantitative  difference  (207.  Note), 
become  g  :  faba  >  feve  >  fejve  ;  metier  e  (41)  >  metre  >  mtfre. 
Unless  e  comes  to  be  final,  in  which  case  it  remains  e  :  amatu  >  amet 
>  ame  [amei]  (274).  But  e  +  y  (281)  becomes  o  [eu\  :  capellos> 
eJievels  >  chevos  [cheveus]  ;  and  e  -f-  \t  becomes  id  [ieu]  :  pains  > 
pels  ^>  pios  \jpieus"] . 


212.  For  provenience,  cf.  46.  2  ;  48. 

213.  g  remains  intact  :  b$llu  >  b$l  ^>  b$l.     But  very  early  in  the 

second  period  £  +  1*   (281)  becomes  $du,  which    then    develops  as 
explained  in  248  :  b$llus  >  bels  >  bqaus. 


214.  For  provenience,  cf.  52.  2  ;  54. 

215.  a  remains  intact  :  passu  >  pas  >  pas.     Cf.  also  174. 


60  THE  SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 


216.  For  provenience,  cf.  58.  2  ;  60  ;  73. 

217.  p  remains  intact  :  pprta  >  pprte  ^>pprte.     But  when  it  comes 
to   be  final,   it  becomes  o  ;    *dpssu  (CL.   dorsum)  >  dps  ^>  do   [dos] 
(275).     ^  +  V  (281)  becomes  u  \ou]  :  fyllis  >fyls  >fys  [fous]. 


218.  For  provenience,  cf.  64.  2  ;  66. 

219.  u  remains  intact  (ow  becoming  the  favorite  orthography  —  cf. 
64.   2):   gotta  >  <^e  >  gute   [goute].     But   y  +  jf    (281)   becomes 
y,  [ou~]  :  moltu  ^>  m^lt  ^>  m^t  [mout]  . 


u 

220.  For  provenience,  cf.  45  ;  70. 

221.  u  remains  intact  :  euro,  >  cure  >  cure  [c-wre].     u  -{-  u  (281) 
becomes  u  :  nullus  >  nuls  >  nils. 


222,  For  provenience,  cf.  56  ;   77. 

223,  $i  becomes  §  during  the  first   half  of  the  period.      This  £ 
remains  intact,   except  when  it  comes  to   be  final,   in  which  case  it 
becomes  e  (211)  :  fdcere  ^>f£ire  ^>f$re  [/aire]  ;   amai  (CL.amam)  ]> 
amgi  ^>  ame  [amai]  . 

ei 

224%    For  provenience,  cf.  39.  1  ;  44. 

225,  ei  becomes  $i  by  the  thirteenth  century,  and  then,  toward 
the  end  of  the  period,  u$  [oi]  :  negru  ^>  neir  ^>  nugr  [noir]  .  ei  -)-  u 
(281)  becomes  o:  pelos  (CL.  polos')  ^>peils^>pos  [peus]. 


226,  For  provenience,  cf.  74  ;  77. 

227,  jn  becomes  u%  toward  the  end  of  the  period  (225)  :  nausia  > 


ORAL  TONIC  DIPHTHONGS  61 


n$ise  >  nu$se  [noise] .     For  the  development   of  the   strong  perfect 

form  fa  cf.  404. 

oi 

228.  For  provenience,  cf.  68. 

229.  oi  becomes  pi  by  the  thirteenth  century,  and  then,  toward  the 
end  of  the  period,  u$  (225)  :  voce  >  voiz  >  vugs  [you]. 

.f . 

ui 

230.  For  provenience,  cf.  62  ;  72  ;  77. 

231.  ui  becomes  ui  during  the  twelfth  century  :  fructu  >  fruit  > 

fruit  [fruit]. 

du 

232.  For  provenience,  cf.  174. 

233.  du  remains  intact:  falsu^>fdus  ^>fdus. 

pu 

234.  For  provenience,  cf.  57  ;  75. 

235.  §u  becomes  u  [ou]  during  the  thirteenth  century:  clavu> 
clyu  ^>  clu  [clou] . 

ou 

236.  For  provenience,  cf.  64.  1  ;  69. 

237.  ou  becomes  o  [eu]  by  the  thirteenth  century  :  onore  >  onour 
>•  onor  [oneur]  ;  ou  -j-  u  (281)  becomes  o  :  solus  >  souls  >  sos  [seus]~ 

A 

OU 

238.  For  provenience,  cf.  63. 

239.  ou  becomes  o  [eu]  during  the  thirteenth  century  :  fgcu  >  fou 

>fo  [feu]. 

eu 

240.  This  diphthong  exists   only  in  words   borrowed   from  Late 
Latin  (12);  it  corresponds  to  Late  Latin  8u  and  aeu  :  Late  Latin 
Hebraeum  =  first  period  OF.  Hebreu. 


62  THE   SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

241.  eu  becomes  o  \_eu~]  during  the  thirteenth  century:  first  period 
OF.  Hebreu  (240)  >  second  period  OF.  Hebro  [Hebreu\. 

ie 

242.  For  provenience,  cf.  46.  1  and  2  ;  52.  1. 

243.  During  the  first  half  of  the  period  ie  becomes  i$  (f$bre^> 
fievre  >  figvre)  ;  unless  it  comes  to  be  final,  in  which  case  it  remains 
ie  (p$de>piet>pie—  cf.  274);   or   unless  it  comes  to  stand   after 
ts,   dz,   I',  or  n,  in  which  case  it  becomes  e  toward  the  end  of  the 
thirteenth  century,  which  then  develops  in  accordance  with  211  (caru 
>  tsier  [chier]  >  cher  >  chgr).    ie  -f  y,  (281)  becomes  id  [ieu~\  :  cglos 
(CL.  caelos^)  ^>  ciels^>  cids  [cieus]. 


244.  For  provenience,  cf.  58.  1  and  2. 

245.  ug  becomes  o  [eu\  during  the  thirteenth  century  :  ngvu  ^>  nu£f 
>  nof  [neuf].    u$  -+-  y,  (281)  becomes  o  :  dglet  >  duglt  >  dot  [deuf\. 

ieu 

246.  For  provenience,  cf.  51. 

247.  ieu  becomes  id  [ieu~\  during  the  thirteenth  century:  D$u^> 
Dieu  >  Dio  [Dieu\  . 

gdu 

248.  This  triphthong,  though  not  an  heritage  from  the  first  period, 
was  formed  so  early  in  the  second  (213)  that  it  is  entitled  to  a  place 
in  this  list  of  sounds  existent  ca.  1100.     Toward  the  end  of  the  second 
period  it  becomes  du  \eau\  :  b$llus  >  first  period  b$ls  >  early  second 
period  bqaus  >  bans  \beaus~\. 

Nasal  Tonic  Vowels  and  Diphthongs 

249.  Through  almost  all  of  the  second  periojj,  vowels  are  nasal 
even  before  intervocal  n  or  m,  and  nasal  consonants  a|je  sounded  after 


NASAL  TONIC  VOWELS  63 

the  nasal  vowels  (178.  Note).  Toward  the  end  of  the  period  appear 
the  beginnings  of  modern  French  usage  in  these  two  respects  (276, 
277,  and  282£).  For  the  sake  of  simplicity,  however,  we  shall  omit 
further  mention  of  these  new  developments. 


25O.    For  provenience,  cf.  37  ;  38  ;  40.  1  ;  43  ;  50.     Toward  the 
end  of  the   period  i    becomes   e   and   then  £  [i]:  pinu  >  pin  >  pgn 


251.    For   provenience,   cf.  42.      £   remains  intact  :  degnat  (CL. 
dlgn&t)  >  dlnet  >  dgnet  [deignef]. 


252.  For  provenience,  cf.  40.  2  ;  42  ;  47.  2  ;  49  ;  53.  2  ;  55.     a 
remains  intact  (the  orthography  of  a  <  e  -j-  nasal,  is  e  ;  that  of  a  <<  a 
-}-  nasal,   is  a)  :  t$mplu  >  tample  >>  tdmple  [temple]  ;  amplu  ^>  ample 
>  ample  [ample] . 

9 

253.  For  provenience,  cf.  59.  2  ;  61  ;  65.  1  and  2  ;  67. 

254.  o  becomes  Q  toward  the  end  of  the  period  :  ponte  >  pgnt  > 
pgnt. 


255.  For  provenience,  cf.  71.    u  remains  intact  :  unu  ]>  un  ^>  un. 

di 

256.  For  provenience,  cf.  53.  1  ;  56. 

257.  di  becomes  gi  during  the  twelfth  century,  and  then,  toward 
the  end  of  the  period,  £  [ai]  (258):  pane  >  pain  >  pi  n  [pain]. 


258.   For  provenience,  cf.  40.  1  ;  44.      \i  becomes  f  [ei]  toward 
the  end  of  the  period  :  plenu>  pl\in~>  pl$n  [plein]. 


64  THE   SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 


_ 

01 


259.  For  provenience,  cf.  68. 

260.  oi  becomes  og  [pi]  toward  the  end  of  the  period  :  pognu 

$n  \_poing\. 


ui 


261.  For  provenience,  cf.  72.  ui  becomes  ul  during  the  first  half 
of  the  period,  and  then,  toward  the  end  of  the  period,  u%  [ui\  :  juniu 
>  juin  >  j  ugn  [juing"]  . 


262.   For  provenience,  cf.  47.  1  and  2  ;  53.  1.     ie  becomes  ig  to- 
ward the  end  of  the  period  :  cane  ^>  chien  >  chign. 


263.  For  provenience,   cf.   59.  1.      It  happens  that  all  of  those 
words  which   contained   teg    ca.   1100,  soon   afterward   substituted  o 
through  some  syntactical  or  analogical  influence  —  cf.   10-11  ;  291  ; 
299  ;  347  :  pmo  >  u\n  >  ome  (by  analogy  to  ome  <  Qmine  —  cf  .  59. 
2)  (>£we  —  cf.  254). 

Posttonic  Vowels 

264.  There  are  no  posttonic    penult  vowels    in   the   second  Old 
French'  period  —  cf.  76. 

265.  In  the  ultima  only  £  is  to  be  found  unstressed  —  cf.  77  and 
78.    This  §  remains  intact  :  terra  >  terr$  >  terry.     But  f  immediately 
following  a  stressed  vowel  loses  its  syllabic  value  toward  the  end  of 
the  second  period  :  vita  >  first  period  OF.  vid$  >  early  second  period 
OF.  vi-§^>  vi§  (that  is,  the  two  vowels  i  and  f  join  in  a  diphthong). 


PRETONIC  VOWELS  65 

Pretonic  Vowels  and  Diphthongs 

a)   Post-Secondary-Stress  (80) 

266.  When  standing  between  consonants,  post-secondary-stress 
vowels  usually  remain  unchanged  :'  abelldna  >  avqlaine  >  avglaine. 
But  ffi^>  £,  and  ei  ^>  ug. 

26T,  When  standing  in  hiatus  with  the  tonic  vowel,  post-secondary- 
stress  f  becomes  silent  toward  the  end  of  the  second  period :  armatura 
]>  armgdure  >  armqure  >  armure. 

268.  Post-secondary-stress  £  standing  in  hiatus  with  a  preceding 
vowel  is  combined  with  it  into  a  diphthong  toward  the  end  of  the 
second  period  :  cri-  (stem  of  OF.  crier'}  4-  OF.  suffix  -qrie  (12.  Note) 

>  first  period  OF.  cri-$rie  >  second  period  OF.  criqrie. 

b)   Initial-Syllable  Pretonic 

269.  For  provenience,  cf.  81-102.     Cf.  also  79.  Note. 

270.  Initial- syllable  pretonic  vowels  or  diphthongs  standing  before 
a  consonant  usually  develop  like  the  corresponding  tonic  vowels  or 
diphthongs  (208-263)  :  avaru  >  aver  >  aver  (215) ;  delicatu  >  delgie 

>  dogiet  [deugiet]  (211).     f  (84  and  87)  remains  intact:  venire  > 
vqnir  >  vqnir. 

Notft.  Initial-syllable  pretonic  e,  unlike  tonic  e  (211),  remains  close. 

271.  Initial-syllable  pretonic  vowels  or  diphthongs  which  come  to 
stand  in  hiatus  with  the  following  vowel  usually  develop  like  the  corres- 
ponding tonic  vowels  or  diphthongs  (208-263),  and  retain  meanwhile 
their  syllabic  value :  *fidare>fider>fi  -cr  [fier]  (  209  ) .    But  $  (  84  and 
87)  becomes  silent  toward  the  end  of  the  second  period  :  *cadentia  > 
chqdance  >  chg-ance  >  chance. 

CONSONANTS 

272.  At  the  beginning  of  the  second  period  Old  French  possessed 
the  following  consonants  (cf.  the  table  in  103) : 


66 


THE  SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 


Oral  Consonants 


Mutes 

Spirants          Liqui 

Surds 

Sonants 

Surds 

Sonants 

(Al 

con 

Labials 

P 

b 

/ 

V 

Dentals 

t 

d 

<»  *>  J 

d,z,  z 

(1 

Palatals 

k 

9 

f 

Nasal 
Consonants 


(All  liquids  and  nasal 
consonants  are  sonant.  ) 

m 
n 


Furthermore,  the  aspirate,  h  ;  and  the  semivowels,  i,  u.  Be  it 
remarked  that  s  and  I  occur  only  in  the  combinations  ts  (=ch  in 
English  church)  and  dz  (=,/  in  English  jar).  For  the  provenience 
of  all  these  consonants,  cf.  103-206. 

Following  is  a  detailed  presentation  of  con  sonant-  development 
during  the  second  period  (for  nasal  consonants,  cf.  249).  The  ever 
present  extreme  tendency  toward  contraction  (1-4)  shows  itself  in  the 
still  further  disintegration  (along  the  same  lines  as  set  forth  in  103) 
of  many  consonants  heretofore  resistant,  and  in  the  complete  dis- 
appearance of  many  heretofore  partially  successful  in  resistance. 

In  these  sections  on  the  second  period  consonants,  we  shall 
register  only  changes  from  the  status  quo  of  ca.  1100.  Silence 
as  to  the  development  of  a  consonant  under  such  and  such 
conditions,  will  mean  that  under  those  conditions  the  consonant 
remained  unchanged  throughout  the  period. 


Simple  Consonants 
a)   When  Intervocal 

273.   Intervocal  d  and  t  (116)  disappear   in   the  course   of  the 
twelfth  century  :  vita  >  vide  >  vit. 


CONSONANTS  67 

b)  When  Final 

274.  Final  t  (116  and  124)  disappears  in  the  course  of  the  twelfth 
century  :  perdat  >  perdet  >  perde. 

275.  Final   t    (117.  1  ;  122.  3  ;  124)  and    final   s    (126  ;   127  ; 
131  ;  132)  remain  intact,  except  as  explained  in  277  :  tardu  >  tart 
>  tart ;  passu  ]>  pas  >  pas. 

276.  Final  n  (153.  2  ;  160  ;  203)  becomes  n  toward  the  end  of 
the  second  period.     This  n  remains  intact,  except  as  explained  in  277  : 
coniu  (CL.  cuneum)  >  coin  >  coin  \coing~\. 

277.  Toward  the  end  of  the  second  period  final  consonants  (includ- 
ing  t,  5,   and  n — cf.  275,  276,  279)  became  silent  when  followed  in 
connected  speech  by  a  word  beginning  with  a  consonant.     Whereafter 
those  words  which  already  possessed  two  pronunciations  (103.  Note  2) 
possessed  three  :  VL.  vivu  >  first  period  OF.  vif  or  viv  [vif]  >  second 
period  OF.  vif  before  a  pause  ;  viv  [vif]  before  a  vowel  ;  vi  [inf]  before 
a  consonant. 

Consonant  Groups 

278.  dr  (118)  becomes  rr   at  the  very  beginning  of  the  second 
period,  and  rr  then  soon-  becomes  r  :  poire  ^>  pedre  >  pere.    Similarly 
dl  (119)  becomes  II  and  then  I :  Eodlandu  >  Eodlant  >  Rolant. 

279.  1)    is  (121  ;  123  ;  134  ;  135.  2  ;  137  ;  153.   2  ;  160  ;  181  ; 
195;  198;  199;  203)  becomes  s  (written  z  or  s  when  final ;  otherwise  c) 
during  the  thirteenth  century  :  centu  >  fsent~^>  sent  [cent"].    When  this 
s  comes  to  be  final,  it  shares  the  fate  of  other  final  consonants — cf.  277  : 
noce  (CL.  nucem)  >  noiz  (135)  >  nu%s  \nois~\,  which  then  becomes, 
before  a  word  beginning  with  a  consonant,  nug  \_nois~\ . 

2)  ts  (139  ;  142.  1  and  2  ;  143.  1  and  2  ;  148.  2  ;  192.  1) 
becomes  s  [ch']  during   the   thirteenth   century  :    causa  >  tsose  >  sose 
[chose] . 

3)  dz(138;  141;  143.  2  ;  148.  2  ;  150  ;  153;  191)  becomes 
z  (written  j  before  a,  o,  u  ;  g  before  e,  i)  during  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury :  medicu  >  miedze  >  mieze  [miege] . 


68  THE   SECOND  OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD 

280.  Preconsonantal  s  (128  ;  130)  becomes  silent  during  the  thir- 
teenth century  :  festa  ^>feste  ^>fete  \_feste]  . 

281.  At  the  very  beginning  of  the  second  period,  I  before  a  conso- 
nant becomes  y>,  which  then  combines  in  some  manner  with  the  pre- 
ceding vowel—  cf.  209  ;  £11  ;   213  ;   2J7  ;   219  ;   221  ;   225  ;  237  ; 
243  ;  245.     Cf.  also  174  and  282. 


At  the  end  of  a  word  the  orthography  x  is  often  a  substitute  for  the 
orthography  us,  or  for  a  final  s  immediately  following  a  u  :  for  instance,  the 
second  period  result  of  VL.  follis  (217)  is  written  either  fous  or  fox  orfoux. 

282.  I  (-J-  consonant)  which  comes  from  I'  (-{-  consonant)  (153. 
2;  159;  200)  develops  exactly  like  the  /treated  in  281:  v$clus> 
melz  (159)  >  vios  \vieus]  (243). 

282£.  Toward  the  end  of  the  period  n  and  m  become  silent  when 
preceding  a  consonant  :planta^>pldnte^>  plate  [plante].  Cf.  249. 


PART  II 
MORPHOLOGY 


CHAPTER  I 
DECLENSION 


The  Declension  of  Nouns  in  Vulgar  Latin  and  during  the 
First  Old  French  Period 

In  sections  1-4  we  emphasized  the  con- 
stant tendency  of  the  grammatical  forms 
of  Vulgar  Latin  and  Old  French  toward 
a  more  analytic  condition.  Throughout 
this  chapter  that  tendency  will  be  so  evi- 
dent as  to  excuse  us  from  further  insist- 
ence upon  it. 

283.  1)  Even  before  the  beginning  of  the  first  period  of  Old 
French,  that  is,  before  ca.  600,  Vulgar  Latin  nouns  originally  neuter 
had  become  either  masculine  or  feminine.  First  of  all,  nouns  in  -um 
(CL.  2d  declension)  became  masculines  in  -us  ;  then  neuters  such  as 
cornu  (CL.  4th  declension),  and  finally  such  as  nomen  (CL.  3d 
declension),  also  became  masculines. 

2)  A  number  of  often  used  Vulgar  Latin  neuter  plurals  of 
collective  signification,  such  as  folia  (meaning  foliage^),  came  to  be 
looked  upon,  because  of  the  ending  -a,  as  feminine  singulars,  and 
assumed  singular  significations  ;  thus  VL.  folia  came  to  mean  leaf, 
and  was  given  a  new  plural,  VL.  folias  (288). 

5  69 


70  DECLENSION 

284.  Even  before  ca.  600  the  number  of  Vulgar  Latin  declensions  ' 
had   been    reduced   to  three.     The  VL.   1st   declension  consisted  of  j 
feminines  (this  statement,  and  all  our  statements  relating  to  the  classi- 
fication of  nouns,  are  approximate) :  these  corresponded  to  the  femi- 
nines of  the  CL.    1st  .declension,    to  the  CL.    2d  declension    neuter 
plurals  discussed  in  the  preceding  section,  and  to  the  feminines  of  the 
CL.  4th  and  5th  declensions  (for  example,  VL.  nora  corresponds  to 
CL.  nurus,   and  VL.  facia  corresponds  to  CL.  faciex).     The  VL.  2d 
declension  consisted  of  masculines  :  they  corresponded  to  the  mascu- 
lines and  neuters  of  the  CL.  2d  and  4th  declensions  (283.  1).     The 
VL.  3d  declension  consisted  of  masculines  and  feminines  correspond- 
ing to  the  masculines  and  neuters  (283.  1),  and  to  the  feminines,  of 
the  CL.  3d  declension. 

285.  Old  French  received  from  Vulgar  Latin,  and  retained,  two 
numbers,  the  singular  and  the  plural. 

286.  1)    Even  before  ca.  600,  the  cases  had  already  been  reduced 
to  two,    the  nominative  and  the  accusative.     The   functions  of  the 
other  cases  had  been  either  transferred  to  these  two  (for  instance,  the 
accusatives  of  nouns  signifying  persons  could  be  uz?ed  to  denote  posses^ 

I    sion  :  cf.  OF.  li  rei  gonfanoniers  =  the  standard-bearer  of  the  King}, 
or  expressed  by  prepositions. 

2)  A  few  remnants  of  other  Latin  cases  than  the  nomina- 
tive and  the  accusative  are  found,  in  stereotyped  phrases,  even  as  late 
as  ca.  1100  (gent  paienour  <  gentem  paganorum). 

287.  The  endings  of  the  nominative  and  accusative  cases  under- 
went several  changes  during  the  Vulgar  Latin  period  and  the  first 
Old   French   period.     Since   in  this  development  gender  played  an 
important  part,  we  shall  discuss  separately  feminines  and  masculines. 
Indeed,  we  shall  find  that  by  ca.  11 00  the  VL.  three-declension  system 
(284)  had  been  superseded  by  a  six-declension  system — three  declen- 
sions of  feminines  and  three  of  masculines. 

288.  Feminines,  Class  I)    To  this  class  belong  those  feminines 
which  by  ca.  1100  have  come  to  end,  in  the  nominative  singular,  in 
-£:  in   other  terms,  those  feminines  which  had  constituted  the  VL. 


NOUNS— FIRST   OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD  71 

1st  declension  (284).  Following  is  the  paradigm  (in  order  to  show 
clearly  the  difference  between  the  various  declensions,  we  divide 
each  Old  French  form  into  a  stem  and  an  ending) : 

CL.  VL.  OF.  ca.  1100 

Nom.         filia  foli®  ^>         fill  § 

Acc.          fitiam  filia  fill  $ 

plu    (  Nom.         filiae  fllias  fill  ^ 

(.  Acc.          fillas  f\lias  ^>        fill  $s 

Notice  that  in  VL.  these  nouns  had  become  flectionless  in  the  singular 
because  of  the  fall  of  final  -m  of  the  accusative  (21-28),  and  had  then 
added  an  -s  in  the  nominative  plural  through  a  desire  to  make  the 
plural  likewise  flectionless  (cf.  the  second  paragraph  of  10-11). 

Feminines,  Class  II)  To  this  class  belong  those  feminines 
which  by  ca.  1100  have  come  to  end,  in  the  nominative  singular,  in 
any  sound  other  than  £  (except  those  in  Class  III) :  in  other  terms, 
those  VL.  3d  declension  feminines  (284)  which  were  not  at  the  same 
time  imparisyllabic  and  of  personal  signification  (cf.  the  explanation 
of  Class  III).  But  cf.  290. 

virtus  verttite  >  vertut 

virtutem  =         verttite  >  vertut 

virtutes  vertutes  >  vertut  s  [vertuz — cf.  121] 

virtutes  vertutes  >  vertut  s 

Notice  that  for  nouns  of  this  class  VL.  had  already  done  away  with 
any  differences  between  the  nominative  singular  and  the  accusative 
singular  ;  this  was  through  analogy  to  the  non-differentiated  plural  / 
forms  (cf.  the  second  paragraph  of  10-11). 

Feminines,  Class  III)  To  this  class  belong  a  few  femi- 
nines which  have  developed  into  essentially  different  forms  in  the 
nominative  singular  and  the  accusative  singular :  in  other  terms,  those 
VL.  3d  declension  imparisyllabic  feminines  which  signified  persons. 


72  DECLENSION 

stirtir  =         spror  >         sugr 
s$rdr$m                     sprore  sqrour 

sftrores  =         sprores  >          sqrour  s 
sftrores                       sprpres  sgrpur  s 

Notice  that  for  these  nouns  VL.  had  not  effaced  the  difference  between 
the  nominative  singular  and  the  accusative  singular,  as  it  had  done  for 
the  other  ferainines  of  its  3d  declension  (cf.  the  explanation  of  Class 
II).  This  was  doubtless  because  nouns  signifying  persons  were  often 
used  in  the  vocative,  whose  form  was  in  VL.  always  equivalent  to  that 
of  the  nominative  ;  these  nominatives  and  vocatives  were  together 
numerous  enough  to  counteract  the  analogical  tendency  which  affected 
other  nouns. 

Note.  The  forms  serour  and  serours  are  irregular  as  to  the  development  of 
their  pretonic  vowel ;  we  would  expect  y,  not  £  (91). 

289.  Masculines,  Class  I)  To  this  class  belong  those  mascu- 
lines which  by  ca.  1100  have  come  to  end  in  -s  in  the  nominative 
singular  :  in  other  terms,  those  masculines  which  constituted  the  VL. 
2d  declension  (284),  excepting  those  in  -er  (cf.  Class  II) ;  and  the 
VL.  3d  declension  masculines,  excepting  imparisyllabic  masculines  of 
personal  significance  (cf.  Class  III).  But  cf.  290.  This  class  may 
be  divided  further  into  two  sub-classes,  according  as  the  OF.  nomina- 
tive singular  ends  in  -s  or  -$s.  The  paradigm  of  sub-class  a  is  : 

murus  —         mtirus  mur  s 

murtim  muru  >         mur 

muri  =         muri  mur 

muros  muros  mur  s 


Sub-class  b : 


tisln&s          =  dsinus  asn  $s  (78.  3) 

tislnum  dsinu  asn  $ 

=  asini  >          asn  $ 

=  dsinos  asn  $s 


NOUNS— FIRST   OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD  73 

Masculines,  Class  II)  To  this  class  belong  those  masculines 
which  by  ca.  1100  have  come  to  end  in  -£  in  the  nominative  singular :  in 
other  terms,  those  VL.  2d  and  3d  declension  masculines  ending  in  -er. 

pater  pater  pedr  $  (78.  3) 

patrSm  pdtre  pedr  $ 

patres  pdtri  >         pedr  $ 

patres  patres  >         pedr  $8 

Notice  that  the  VL.  3d  declension  nominative  plural  had  adopted 
the  ending  -i  through  analogy  to  nouns  like  murus  (cf.  the  second 
paragraph  of  10-11). 

Masculines,  Class  III)  To  this  class  belong  those  masculines 
which  have  developed  into  essentially  different  forms  in  the  nomina- 
tive singular  and  the  accusative  singular  :  in  other  terms,  those 
VL.  3d  declension  imparisyllabic  masculines  of  personal  signification 
(cf.  Feminines,,  Class  III). 

homo  §mo  >  uen 

=         ymine  >  ome 

pmini  ^>  ome 

homines       =         gmines  >  ome  s 

290.  Indeclinables.    Feminines,   Class  II,   or  Masculines,   Class 
I.  a,  whose  stems  end  in  a  sibilant,  are  indeclinable. 

ndstis  ndsus  >  nes  (127) 

nastim  =  ndsu  >  nes 

nasi  =  ndsi  ]>  nes 

ndsos  =  ndsos  ]>  nes 

The  Declension  of  Nouns  during  the  Second  Old 
French  Period 

291.  During  the   second  period   two  exactly   contrary  analogical 
tendencies    (cf.    the   second   paragraph   of    10-11)    were  shown  by 


74  DECLENSION 

declension.  One  was  to  differentiate  nominatives  from  accusatives  in 
accordance  with  the  typemurs — mur;  the  other,  to  do  away  with  such 
differentiation.  The  latter  tendency  won  a  complete  victory  toward 
the  end  of  the  period,  partly  because  Sectional  -s  had  become  silent 
before  words  beginning  with  a  consonant  (277),  partly  because  accu- 
satives were  used  more  often  than  nominatives.  The  paradigms  of 
the  following  sections  are  OF.  forms  of  ca.  1100 ;  after  each 
paradigm  stands  a  discussion  of  its  development  during  the 
second  period. 

Feminines 

292.  For  the  provenience  of  the  three  feminine  classes,  cf.  288. 

293.  Class    I 

Sine,   { Nom'         fi11  *  '     Plu   I Nom'         f11  $8 

''  I  Ace.          fill  $  I  Ace.          fill  $s 

These  nouns  remained  unchanged  throughout  the  second  period. 

294.  Class  II 

vertut  vertut  s  [vertuz~\ 

vertut  vertut  s 

About  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century  these  nouns  add  -s  to  the 
nominative  singular,  from  analogy  with  the  inflection  of  masculines. 
During  the  thirteenth  century,  however,  they  again  (like  the  mascu- 
lines, as  we  shall  see  in  297  ff.  )  lose  this  -*.  Cf.  291. 

295.  Class  III 

suer  serour  s 

serour  serour  s 

The  nouns  of  this  class  showed  great  diversity  of  development,  not 
only  as  to  the  addition  of  -s  to  the  nominative  singular  (294),  but  also 


NOUNS— SECOND   OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD  75 

as  to  which  stem,  that  of  the  nominative  singular,  or  that  of  the  accusa- 
tive singular,  should  triumph  (291).  In  some  cases  the  nominative 
won  the  victory  (as  in  the  above  word,  whose  accusative  became  suer, 
and  whose  plural,  both  nominative  and  accusative,  became  suers)  ;  in 
others  the  accusative  ;  in  yet  others  both  stems  survived  side  by  side. 
Cf.  299. 

Masculines 

296.  For  the  provenience  of  the  three  masculine  classes,  cf.  289. 

297.  Class  I 

a 

mur  s  mur 

mur  mur  s 

b 

asn  $s  asn  § 

asn  $  asn  $s 

In  the  thirteenth  century  these  nouns  began  to  change  their  nomina- 
tives, both  singular  and  plural,  to  agree  with  the  accusatives.  Cf.  291. 

298.  Class  II 

pedr  §  pedr  § 

pedr  $  pedr  gs 

These  nouns  show  for  a  time  a  tendency  to  add  an  analogical  -s  to  the 
nominative  singular.  During  the  thirteenth  century,  however,  they 
succumb  to  the  process  stated  in  297  ;  the  singular  is  in  both  forms 
without  -s  ;  the  plural  is  in  both  forms  with  -s.  Cf.  291. 

299.  Class  III 

uen  ome 

(me  ome  s 


76  DECLENSION 

During  the  thirteenth  century  these  nouns  add  -s  to  the  nominative 
plural.  But  they  show  great  variety  of  development  as  to  the  tempo- 
rary analogical  adoption  of  -s  in  the  nominative  singular,  and  as  to 
the  final  triumph  of  the  nominative  singular  stem  or  the  accusative 
singular  stem  (291).  The  development  of  uen  is  an  excellent  exam- 
ple of  the  complexity  which  marks  nouns  of  this  class  :  uen  soon  gives 
way  to  on  through  analogy  with  the  accusative  singular  (263)  ;  besides 
the  nominative  singular  on  we  find  the  nominative  singular  om,  which 
may  be  an  analogy  to  the  accusative  singular  ;  we  also  find  the  nomina- 
tive singular  ome,  in  which  we  have  complete  surrender  to  the  accusa- 
tive singular.  Meanwhile  the  nominative  singulars  ons,  oms,  and  omes 
are  also  common.  Of  all  these  forms  ome  proves  the  strongest ;  toward 
the  end  of  the  period  it  is  practically  the  sole  survivor  in  the  substan- 
tive use  of  the  word  (297),  on  surviving  as  an  indefinite  pronoun. 

3OO.  During  the  first  and  second  periods  stems  often  underwent 
changes  because  of  the  addition  of  flectional  -s.  For  instance,  in  the 
declension  of  the  following  word  the  various  stem-forms  are  due  to  the 
different  phonological  development  of  n  under  different  conditions 
(188  and  189.  1): 

VL.  OF. 

cprnus         >         cor  s 

cprnu  >         corn 

cprni  >          corn 

cprnos          >         cor  s 

By  the  end  of  the  second  period  the  language  had  taken,  in  regard  to 
these  'double-formed  stems,  one  of  three  courses.  (1)  The  form 
affected  by  -s  had  been  generalized.  Toward  the  end  of  the  second 
period  the  above  paradigm  had  become  : 

cor 
cor 
cor  s 
cor  s 


NOUNS— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD  77 

(2)  The   form   not   influenced   by    -a  had   been    generalized.      For 
example,    instead   of    first   period   nominative   singular   cles  <  cldvis 
(111),  we  find  in  the  second  period,  from  analogy  with  the  accusative 
singular  clef  '<  cldvem   (106),   the    nominative  singular  clefs,    which 
finally   became,  by  the  process  stated  in  297,  clef.     The  noun  was 
finally  declined  thus  : 

clef 
clef 
clef  s 
clef  s 

Of  course   the  /  of   clefs  soon   became   merely  orthographic    (111). 

(3)  In  a  few  words  both  stem-forms  are  retained.     For  instance  : 

VL.         First  OF.  period  Second  OF.  period 

cabdllus  >  chevau  s  (174)  >>  cheval  (from  analogy  with  ace.  sing.) 
oabdllu    ]>  cheval  (173)       >  cheval 

cabdlli     >  cheval  (173)       >>  chevau  s  (from  analogy  with  ace.  pi.) 
cabdllos  >  chevau  s  (174)  >  chevau  s 

Declension  of  Adjectives 

301.  In  Vulgar  Latin  and  in  Old  French,  adjectives  had  three 
genders  :  masculine,   feminine,  and  neuter.      But  in  Old  French  the 
neuter  was  used  only  in  the  singular,  and  only  as  a  predicate  adjective 
referring  to  an  expressed  or  understood  neuter  pronoun. 

302.  In  VL.  the  adjectives  fall,  as  in  CL.,  into  two  classes  :  (1) 
adjectives  of  the  first  and  second  declensions;    (2)  adjectives  of  the 
third  declension.     But   during  the   VL.   period   and  the  first   OF. 
period,  adjective  forms  underwent  changes  similar  to  those  of  nouns. 

(1)  The  VL.  feminine  forms  in  -a  developed  like  nouns  in  -a  (288.  I). 

(2)  The  VL.  masculine  forms  in  -us  developed  like  nouns  in  -us 
(289.  I).      (3)  Originally  the  VL.    3d  declension  adjectives  were 
declined  exactly  alike  in  the  masculine  and  in  the  feminine  (as  in 
CL.),  but   during   the  VL.  period  and  the  first  OF.  period  these 


78 


DECLENSION 


adjectives,  from  analogy  with  the  corresponding  substantives,  developed 
differing  masculine  and  feminine  forms  for  the  nominative  case  of  both 
numbers.  The  feminine  nominative  singular  took  the  form  of  the 
accusative  (early  VL.  grandis,  amans  >  later  VL.  grande,  amante  ; 
cf.  288.  II).  The  masculine  nominative  singular  took  the  form  of  the 
accusative,  and  added  -s  (early  VL.  grandis,  amans  >  later  VL. 
grandes,  amantes ;  cf.  289.  I).  The  feminine  nominative  plural 
retained  the  form  in  -es  (VL.  grandes,  amantes  ;  cf.  288.  II).  The 
masculine  nominative  plural  substituted  the  ending  -i  for  -es  (early 
VL.  grandes,  amantes  >  later  VL.  grandi,  amanti  ;  cf.  289.  II). 

3O3.  The  above  changes  having  taken  place  before  ca.  1100, 
adjectives  of  the  second  OF.  period  may  be  divided  into  two  classes 
according  to  the  ending  of  the  feminine  nominative  singular  :  Class  I 
— those  adjectives  with  feminine  nominative  singular  in  -^  ;  Class  II 
— those  with  feminine  nominative  singular  ending  in  a  consonant. 
Class  I  may  be  further  divided  into  three  sub-classes  corresponding  to 
Masculines,  Class  I.  a,  and  b,  and  Masculines,  Class  II  (289.  I  and 
II).  Following  are  the  paradigms  of  these  classes  (the  first  column 
being  always  VL.,  the  second  being  OF.  of  ca.  1100): 


Class  I 
a 

Feminine 


Sing.' 


Plu. 


Masculine 

A 

N.  cldrus  ]>  cler'  s 

A.  cldru  >  cler 

N.  cldri  >  cler 

A.  cldros  >  cler  s 


cldra.  ^>  cler  g 

cldra  >  cler  $ 

cldras  >  cler  es 

cldras  >  cler  s 


Neuter 


cldru    ]>  cler 


t$pidus  >  tied  $s 
tgpidu    >  tied  § 
tgpidi    >  tied  $ 
tgpidos  >  tied  $s 


tgpida    >  tied  $ 
tgpida  >  tied  § 
tgpidas  >  tied  es 
tgpidas  >  tied  ea 


tgpidu  >  tied 


ADJECTIVES 


79 


tgner  >  tendr 

tgneru  >>  tendr 
tgneri 

tgneros  >>  tendr 


tgnera    >  tendr  $ 
tgnera    >  tendr  $ 
tendr  $     tgneras  >>  tendr  qs 
tgneras  >  tendr  $s 


tgneru  >  tendr 


Class  II 


amdntes  >  amant  s  [awcmz]  amdnte 

amdnte    >  amant  amdnte 

amdnti    >  amant  amdntes 

amdntes         amant  s  amdntes 


amant    amdnte 
amant 
amant  8 
amant  s 


amant 


For  the  declension  of  Sectional  comparatives,  cf.  309. 

304.  During  the  second  OF.   period  the  forms  of  the  adjectives 
show  the  same  analogical  tendencies  which  we  have  noticed  in  nouns. 
For  instance,  the  adjectives  of  Class  I.  c  add  and  then  lose  -s  in  the 
masculine  nominative  singular  (298). 

305.  As  was  true  of  nouns  (300),  the  stems  of  the  adjectives  often 
underwent  changes  because  of  the  addition  of  flectional  -s  ;  further- 
more, adjective-stems  also  generated  differences  because  of  VL.  differ- 
ences in  the  masculine  and  feminine  endings.     During  the  second  OF. 
period  the  language  treated  these  differences  as  it  treated  differences  in 
noun-stems  (300).     The  following  paradigm  shows  three  stem-forms 
during  the  first  period,  two  during  the  second  (for  the  different  devel- 
opments of  v,  cf.  106  and  111): 


vivus  >  vi  s  >  vif 

vivu  >  vif  >  vif 

vivi    >  vif  >  vif  s 

vivos  >  vi  s  >  vif  s 


viva    >  viv  §  >  viv  $      vivu  >  vif  >  vif 

viva    >  viv  $  >  viv  § 

vivas  >  viv  $s  >  viv  $s 

vivas  >  viv  $8  >  viv  $s 


Of  course  the  /  of  vifs  soon  became  merely  orthographic  (111). 

3O6.    During  the  second  OF.   period  we  find  many  forms  which, 
considered  in  the  light  of  the  above  paradigms,  are  irregular,  the 


80  DECLENSION 

irregularities  being  generally  due  to  analogical  tendencies.  For 
example,  we  find,  side  by  side  with  the  feminine  nominative  singular 
grant,  a  feminine  nominative  singular  grande,  made  after  the  pattern 
of  such  feminine  nominative  singulars  as  clere.  Indeed,  by  the  end 
of  the  second  period  almost  all  adjectives  had  been  attracted  by  anal- 
ogy into  Class  I.  a,  or  Class  I.  b,  according  as  they  ended,  in  the 
masculine  accusative  singular,  in  a  consonant  or  in  -f.  Since  Class  I 
had  meanwhile  lost  the  -s  of  the  masculine  nominative  singular,  and 
had  added  -s  in  the  masculine  nominative  plural  (297) ;  since  further- 
more neuter  forms,  now  that  masculine  nominative  singular  -s  had 
been  dropped,  could  not  be  distinguished  from  masculine  forms  ;  we 
may  say  that,  ca.  1515,  French  adjectives  were  practically  what  they 
are  to-day. 

Comparison  of  Adjectives 

307.  Classical  Latin  used  flectional  means  to  express  comparison  ; 
Vulgar  Latin   showed   an   ever  greater  preference  for  paraphrases 
formed  by  prefixing  adverbs  to  the  adjectives.     As  a   result,   Old 
French  regularly  expressed  the  comparative  by  prefixing  the  adverb 
plus  «  VL.  plus)  to  the  positive  of  the  adjective  ;  and  the  superla- 
tive by  prefixing  the  definite  article  to  the  comparative  formed  with 
plus. 

308.  A  few  VL.  flectional  comparatives  withstood  this  tendency, 
and   developed   into   OF.    words  :   for   example,  VL.  mayor  >  OF. 
m&ir$-,(cf.  56  ;  78.3  ;  and  151). 

309.  These  flectional  comparatives  developed  along  the  same  lines 
as  Masculines,  Class  III  (289  and  299)  and  Feminines,  Class  III  (288 
and  295).     The  following  paradigm  presents  the  VL.  forms  and  those 
of  OF.  ofca.  1100: 

mayor     >  maire  mayor     >  maire  mayus  >  mais 

mayore   >  maiour  mayore    >  maiour 

mayori    >  maiour  mayores  >  maiour  s 

mayores  >  maiour  s  mayores  >  maiour  s 


ADVERBS— NUMERALS  81 

In  regard  to  the  second  period  development  of  these  adjectives,  cf. 
295;  299;  305;  306. 

31O.  A  very  few  flectional  superlatives  developed  into  OF.  words, 
but  generally  assumed  meanwhile  positive  signification.  VL.  pgssimus 
>  OF.  pesmes  =  bad  (declined  like  tiedes — cf.  303). 

Formation  of  Adverbs 

311-313.  In  Vulgar  Latin,  though  a  few  adverbs  corresponded 
to  Classical  Latin  forms  (for  example,  VL.  bgne,  which  became  OF. 
bien),  most  were  new  formations,  composed  of  an  adjective  agreeing 
with  the  ablative  mente  (mens) :  for  example,  VL.  malamente  instead 
of  CL.  male.  These  VL.  compounds  developed  phonologically  into 
OF.  adverbs:  malamgnte  >  malqment  (80.  1). 

Numerals 

314-319.  The  ordinals  were  all  declined  in  Class  I.  a,  or  b,  of 
adjectives  (303).  The  cardinals  were  in  general  indeclinable.  But 
uns  was  declined  like  an  adjective  of  Class  I.  a  ;  trei,  vint,  and  tsant 
[cent]  like  adjectives  of  Class  II  (303).  Dui,  whose  forms  were 
quite  irregular  in  their  development  from  VL.,  was  declined  as  fol- 
lows : 

First  period  Second  period 

J  Nom.        dui  deus  (from  analogy  with  ace. ) 

\  Ace.         dous  deus  (237) 

(  Nom.        dous         >         deus 

\  Ace.          dous         >         deus 

Pronouns  and  Pronominal  Adjectives 

32O.  Pronouns  show  a  greater  abundance  of  flectional  forms  than 
nouns,  inasmuch  as  (1)  position  in  the  sentence  (cf.  the  third  para- 
graph of  10-11)  often  gave  rise  to  double  development  ;  (2)  neuter 
forms  were  often  retained  ;  (3)  some  dative  forms,  and,  with 
functional  change,  some  genitive  plurals,  were  retained. 


82  DECLENSION 

In  the  following  paradigms  first  columns  are  VL.  forms,  second 
columns  are  OF.  forms  of  ca.  1100.  To  each  paradigm  is  added  a 
brief  account  of  development  during  the  second  period. 

No  attempt  will  be  made  to  explain  fully  the  origin  of  the  VL. 
forms,  nor  even  their  development  into  OF.  forms.  To  do  so  would 
necessitate  discussion  of  too  many  difficult  problems. 

Personal  Pronouns 
321.  1st  person  2d  person 


Stressed         Unstressed    Stressed  Unstressed 


C  Nom.     go    >  dz\i\jo\  %o    >  dz$[je]  tu    >  tu  tu    >  tu 

Sing.  4  Dat.    )     ^       ^  ^  ^  ^         ^  ^ 
v  Acc.    ) 

c  Nom.     nos  >  nus  [66]  nos  ^>  nys  vos  ^>  vys  vos  ^>  v\ts 

Plu.    1  Dat.    ) 

1   .          [•  nos  >>  7i|t-s  nos  >  nys         vos  ^>  vys     vos  _>  vys 

V.   X4.CC*  J 


During  the  second  period  the  unstressed  forms  remained  unchanged. 
Except  dz§,  which  became  %  (279.  3).  Of  the  stressed  forms,  the 
nominatives  jo  and  tu  were  gradually  superseded  by  the  accusatives 
moi  and  toi  (for  oi  in  these  forms,  cf.  225). 

322.  3d  person 

Stressed  forms 


Masculine 

Feminine                       Neuter 

^-                                                                                                 ^A. 

f  Nona. 

elli 

>  il 

e//a 

> 

&l$                 ellu  >  e^ 

Sing. 

\  Dat. 
v.  Acc. 

}eMi 

>  lui 

ell^i 

> 

K 

(  Nom. 

'elli 

>  it 

ellas 

> 

el$s 

Plu. 

1  Dat. 

el  lor  i 

i  >   lour 

elloru 

> 

lour 

(ACC. 

ellos 

>   fa 

ellas 

> 

ties 

PERSONAL   PRONOUNS  83 

These  VL.  forms  correspond  in  general  to  the  forms  of  CL.  Ule  (for 
change  of?  to  e,  cf.  16-20),  though  there  is  much  evidence  of  analog- 
ical change  (cf.  the  second  paragraph  of  10-11):  for  example,  VL. 
elli  and  ellfii  are  due  to  analogy  with  the  interrogative  pronoun  forms 
qui  and  cui.  Notice  the  VL.  use  of  elloru  (CL.  Uldr&m)  as  a  dative. 
By  the  end  of  the  second  period  the  same  tendency  which  affected 
nouns — that  is,  to  make  the  cases  of  the  singular  alike,  and  the  cases 
of  the  plural  alike — had  resulted  in  the  following  forms  : 

fNom.      lui     (231)         $1$    (211)          (The   neuter    had- by 
I    .          >  lui  gl$  this  time  disappeared. ) 

.  fNom.      eus     (211)          $l$s 

Plu.   1  Dat.        leur  (237)         leur 

(.  Ace.       *us  glqs 

323.  Unstressed  forms 

Masculine  Feminine  Neuter 


Sing. 

ell6        > 

(  Nom.   elli      ]>      il  ellas    >>  el 

Plu.  <  Dat.     elloru  >      lur  [95]      c#pr#  >  1W 

I  Acc.     e^ps     >      /es  ellas    >  /es 

During  the  second  period  the  neuter  passed  from  usage.  The  form  lo 
also  died  out.  The  forms  li  and  lur  were  replaced  by  the  stressed 
forms  lui  and  leur  (322). 

324.  The  VL.  3d  person  reflexive  pronoun  se  became  sei  (but  cf. 
225)  when  stressed,  s$  when  unstressed  (cf.   the   third  paragraph  of 
10-11.) 

325.  1)    When  an  unstressed  personal  pronoun  ending  in  a  vowel 


84 


DECLENSION 


immediately  preceded  a  word  beginning  with  a  vowel,  the  pronoun 
generally  lost  its  vowel :  for  example,  il  m'  aime. 

2)  When  an  unstressed  me,  te,  se,  lo,  le,  or  les  immediately 
followed  a  word  ending  in  a  vowel,  the  pronoun  was  generally 
shortened  in  some  manner :  ne  m' ;  purquei  V  ;  ne  s  (=  ne  les).  This 
process  was  very  common  in  the  first  period,  but  had  passed  out  of 
usage  by  the  end  of  the  second. 


Possessives  of  the  Singular 


326. 


Stressed  forms 


1st  person 


2d  person 


f  Nom. 


miens 
mien 
mien 


Fern 


JSTeu.    (301) 


mgus 

mgum 

mgi 

mgos    ]>  miens 
Nom.  ) 
Ace.    / 

Nom.  \ 

.          V  meas    > 
Ace.    ) 

m$um  ^> 


> 


tpum 

& 

tpos 
toa 

tgas 
toum 


sugns 

urn  ]>  sugn 
sugn 
tugns     SQOS    ^>  sugns 


tu$n 


spurn 


soues 
sugn 


Of  these  OF.  masculine  forms  only  the  accusative  singulars  were 
normally  derived  from  VL.  forms  ;  the  others  were  entirely  analogical 
— made'  out  of  whole  cloth,  as  it  were,  with  the  OF.  accusative 
singulars  as  patterns  (cf.  the  second  paragraph  of  10-11).  During  the 
second  OF.  period  the  masculine  forms  develop  along  the  same  lines 
as  do  Masculines,  Class  I.  a  (297).  But  during  the  thirteenth  cen- 
tury arise  the  forms  tien,  sien,  etc.,  from  analogy  with  mien,  etc. 
Meie  becomes  moie  (225),  and  then  arise,  by  analogy,  toie,  soie,  etc. 
But  toward  the  end  of  the  period  we  also  find  miene,  tiene,  siene,  etc., 
from  analogy  with  the  masculine  forms.  Cf.  also  262. 


POSSESSIVES  85 

327.  Unstressed  forms 

1st  person  2d  person  3d  person 


f 

f  — 

«N 

Nom. 

mos    ^ 

>    mes 

tos     - 

>    tes 

SOS 

>    ses 

Ace. 

mom  ^ 

>    mon 

torn    ^ 

>    ton 

som 

>    so* 

Nom. 

mi      ^ 

>    mi 

*i    : 

>    ti 

si 

>    si 

Ace. 

mos    ^ 

>    mes 

tos  : 

>    tes 

SOS 

>    ses 

Nom. 

1 

\ma      ^ 

>    ma 

ta      " 

>    ta 

sa 

^>    sa 

Ace. 

Nom. 

| 

A    _  . 

\rnas    ^ 

>    mes 

tas 

>    tes 

SOS 

">   ses 

These  VL.  forms  are  hardly  recognizable  from  the  view-point  of  CL. 
Lightly  stressed  VL.  possessives  seem  to  have  shifted  what  stress  they 
did  have  to  their  last  syllables  (cf.  333),  and  the  penultimate  vowels 
then  fell :  early  VL.  m$us  >  me^s  >  mys  >  late  VL.  mos  (16-20). 
During  the  second  OF.  period  the  above  nominatives  were  supplanted 
by  the  accusatives.  Otherwise  there  was  no  change,  save  that  won, 
etc.,  became  mqn,  etc.  (270  and  254). 

Possessives  of  the  Plural 

328.  Stressed  forms 

1st  person  2d  person  3d  person 


(  Nom.      n^ster  >  nqstrq   vaster   ^>  vqstrg   elloru  ]>  lour 
J          I  Ace.       npstru  >  ngstrg  vpstru  >  vystrg       "       "     ' ' 
I  PI   /  -^om'      nfotri  ^>  nqstrg  vystri    ^>  vgstrg       ' 
'  \  Ace.       nystros  ^>  nqstrqs  vpstros  ^>  vqstrqs     ' 

f  Sg.  <    .       *  \-npstra  >  ngstrg  vpstra  ^>  vystrg       "       "     " 


"      " 
"      " 


Fern.  < 
6 


PI.  <    .          t  npstras  >  nqstres  vpstras  >  vgstres 


86  DECLENSION 

During  the  second  period  nostre  and  vostre  show  the  same  tendencies  as 
adjectives  of  Class  I.  c  (303  and  304).  In  accordance  with  237,  lour 
becomes  leur  ;  it  also  adds  -s  to  its  plural  forms.  Cf.  also  280. 

329.  Unstressed  forms 

1st  person  2d  person  3d  person 


f  Nom.      noster   >  npttre  voder   >  vpxtrq     elloru  >•  l\ir  [9< 

feg-  j 

f  Nom.      npstri    >  npstrg  vpstri 


( (  (i 
( (  ii 
1 1  it 


Fern. 


,  'I  Ace.       npstru  >  npstrg  vpstru 

JNla>c.  -^  '-KT  x,«'  ^.« 

Nom.      npstri    >  npstrg  vpstri 

Ace.       npstros  >  ?ip/s  [nos]      vpstros  ^>  vpts 
( ^&'  \   \          T  nfstra  ^>  npstrg  vQstra   ^>  vpstrg        "       "     " 

I  PI.  |      °m'  |n^ros>  n^fe  v^ms  >  vpts  "       "     " 

Notice  that  VL.  nystros,  when  stressed,  gave,  by  normal  phonological 
development,  npstrgs  ;  when  not  stressed,  the  strongly  contracted  form 
ngz  (cf.  the  third  paragraph  of  10-11).  During  the  second  period 
I nr  was  supplanted  by  the  stressed  forms  leur  and  leurs  (328).  Cf. 
the  similar  substitution  in  323.  Cf.  also  279.  1  ;  and  280. 

Demonstratives 
33O.  icil  and  cil 

Masculine  Feminine  Neuter 


(  Nom.      gccelli    >  icil  gccella  >  ic&lg         gccellu  >  icel 

Sing.  <  (  tccellui  >  icelui  eccellei  >  iceli 

}  Ace.   <  l    '  /          '.  ;.  ',.;  eccellu  >  ictl 

\  gccellu   >  ic^/  Cecelia  >  ic^f 

p.       J  Nom.      gccelli    >  ici/  $ccellas  >  f^/fs 

\  Ace.       $ccellos  >  tcg&  gccellas  > 


DEMONSTRATIVES  87 


From  the  earliest  to  the  latest  OF.  documents  we  find  the  abbrevi- 
ated forms  cil,  cele,  etc. ,  side  by  side  with  icil,  icele,  etc. 

The  VL.  forms  given  above  are  compounds  of  VL.  $cce  and  the 
forms  of  VL.  elli  (322).  During  the  second  OF.  period  icel  and  iceli 
passed  from  usage,  leaving  icelui  and  icele  (which  had  become  ic$l$ — 
cf.  211)  as  sole  accusative  singulars.  In  the  thirteenth  century  the 
nominatives  icil  added  an  analogical  -s,  but  these  new  forms  were  soon 
supplanted  by  the  accusatives  icelui  and  iceus  (icels  had  become  iceus 
— cf.  211).  The  c  of  the  above  OF.  forms  was  pronounced  ts  (137) ; 
for  its  pronunciation  during  the  second  period,  cf.  279.  1. 

331.  icist  and  cist 

Masculine  Feminine  Neuter 


( Nom.      gccesti    >  icist  gccesta  >  icestg  gccesty  >  icZst 

Sing.  <    .  (  gccestui  >  icqstui  gccestgi  >  icgsti  gccestu  >  ic<$st 

\  I  gccestu  >  west  gccesta   ^>  icestq 

p,       J  Nom.      gccesti    >  icist  gccestas  >>  icets  [icez] 

\  Ace.       gccestos  >  icets  gccestas  >  icets 

Cist  exists  side  by  side  with  icist  (cf.  cil,  330). 

The  above  VL.  forms  are  compounds  of  VL.  gcce  and  VL.  esti 
(CL.  iste).  During  the  second  period  this  pronoun  developed  exactly 
as  did  icil  (330).  Cf.  also  279.  1,  and  280. 

332.  ico  and  co 

VL.  $cc$c  (CL.  ecce  -f-  hoc)  becomes  the  OF.  neuter  singular 
demonstrative  pronoun  itsu  [ico].  The  abbreviated  form  co  is  also 
common  (cf.  cil  and  cist,  330  and  331).  Early  in  the  second  period 
ico,  owing  to  its  unstressed  nature,  is  weakened  to  c$.  Cf.  also  279.  1. 


88  DECLENSION 

The  Definite  Article 
333.  Masculine 


(Nom.  elli     >      li 

<  Ik 

I  Ace.     ello     >  {  j 

f  Nom.   elli     >      li  ellas 

\  Ace.     ellos   >      les  ellas 

Notice  that  the  VL.  forms  are  the  same  as  those  of  the  VL.  personal 
pronoun  elli,  except  that  what  little  stress  there  is  has  been  shifted  to 
the  last  syllable  in  every  form,  a  tendency  characteristic  of  slightly 
stressed  words  (cf.  those  of  327).  With  certain  prepositions  the 
article  was  contracted  :  for  example,  a  -f  le  became  al  (which  then, 
before  words  beginning  with  a  consonant,  became  au — cf.  174). 
Before  words  beginning  with  a  vowel,  lo,  le,  and  la  elided  their 
vowel ;  nom.  sing,  li  might  or  might  not  do  so  ;  nom.  pi.  li  never 
did  so.  By  ca.  1515  the  accusative  forms  had  supplanted  the 
nominative  forms  ;  and  lo  had  passed  out  of  usage. 


Relatives  and  Interrogatives 
334.  qui  (relative) 


Neuter 


Masculine  and  Feminine  Stressed  Unstressed 


f  Nom.  kwi    >  ki  [qui]     kwed  >  keit  [queid]    Icwed  >  lc$  [que 

Sing.  J  Dat.    cui    >  {  ^  1  ciii 
\  Ace.  J 

L  Ace.    kw$  >  k$  [quo]      kwed  >  keit  kwed  >  k$ 

TNom.  kwi  >  ki 

Plu.       Dat.    e 


RELATIVES  AND   INTERROGATIVES  89 

The  genitive  case  of  the  relative  is  expressed  by  dont  <VL.  donde 
(CL.  de  tinde).     Cf.  also  254. 

qui  (interrogative) 

Neuter 


^                              f 

^          f^ 

;wi  >                   ki                      kwed  ^ 

>  ^et<    ^ec/ 

tii  >  -|    .     'V  cili       (Ace.  )  kwed  ^ 

>  keit    kwed 

;w;i  >                   H 

f  Dat.  1    1 

Masculine  and  Feminine  Stressed         Unstressed 

(  Nona,  kwi  >  Id  Tewed  >  keit    kwed  >  kg 

j  Dat.    cui 

(  Nom.  kwi 

Plu.  }  ' 

|  Dat. 

In  regard  to  the  kw  of  the  VL.  forms  given  above,  cf.  the 
remark  preceding  154.  During  the  second  OF.  period  cui  was 
replaced  by  qui.  In  regard  to  the  second  period  development  of  keit, 
cf.  225  and  274. 

335.  quels 

VL.  kwalis  becomes  kels  \_quels],  which  is  declined  like,  and 
develops  like,  adjectives  of  Class  II  (303).  Cf.  also  211. 

Indefinites 

336.  Almost  all  the  indefinite  pronouns  and  pronominal  adjectives 
are  declined  like,   and  develop  like,  the  adjective  paradigms   (303). 
For  example,  nuls  «  nullus)  falls  into  Class  I.  a  of  adjectives  ;  tels 
«tdlw~),  into  Class  II. 


CHAPTER  II 


CONJUGATION 

Conjugation  in  Vulgar  Latin  and  during  the  First  Old 
French  Period 

Throughout  our  presentation  of  the  verbs 
phonetic  symbols  and  diacritic  marks  are 
used  only  when  their  absence  would  be 
apt  to  leave  the  student  in  doubt  as  to 
the  pronunciation.  This  principle  is 
extremely  subjective  in  nature,  but  pho- 
netic transcription  of  every  verb-form 
might  retard  students  in  the  acquirement 
of  ability  to  identify  the  verb-forms  of 
texts  and  manuscripts.  Only  two  letters, 
t  and  d,  are  invariably  represented  pho- 
netically :  if  they  are  not  transcribed  as 
t,  d,  it  may  be  understood  that  they  are 
pronounced  t,  d  (13-14). 

,'537.  That  analytic  tendency  of  Vulgar  Latin,  which  in  declension 
led  to  the  substitution  of  prepositional  phrases  for  certain  of  the  cases 
(cf.  remark  immediately  before  283),  showed  itself  also  in  the  inflec- 
tion of  verbs.  The  most  important  differences  between  Classical 
Latin  and  Vulgar  Latin  conjugation  were  as  follows  : 

1)  Instead  of  the  CL.  passive,  VL.  used  combinations  of 
the    past   participle  and  the   VL.    verb   *essere    (VL.   amatus  sum 
instead  of  CL.  amor}. 

2)  As  to  active  forms  : 
90 


CONJUGATION   SYSTEM— VL.   AND  OF.  91 

a)  In  early  VL.,  as  in  CL.,  the  perfect  indicative  had  two 
uses  :  to  express  completed  action  as  an  occurrence  now  completed  (the 
'  past  indefinite '  of  modern  French  grammars),  or  to  express  com- 
pleted action  as  a  simple  occurrence,  without  further  limitation  (that 
is,  the  'aoristic'  use).     In  the  aoristic  use  late  VL.   retained  forms 
corresponding  to  the  CL.  perfect  (and  we  will  therefore  call  this  VL.— 
OF.  tense  the  'perfect'),  but  in   the  past  indefinite  use  began  to 
prefer  combinations  of   habere   (or  *essere)   and  the  past   participle 
(VL.  amatum  habeo  instead  of  CL.  amavi).     Similar  combinations 
were  used  for  the  pluperfect  indicative. 

b)  Instead  of  the  CL.  future,  VL.  used  a  combination  of  the 
infinitive  with  the  present  indicative  of  habere  (instead  of  CL.  amabo, 
VL.   amare  habeo).     A  new  tense,   the  conditional,   was  formed  by 
combining  the  infinitive  with  the  imperfect  indicative  of  habere. 

c)  The   functions   of  the   CL.    imperfect  subjunctive   and 
perfect  subjunctive  were  assumed  in  VL.  by  the  pluperfect  subjunctive 
(VL.    amassem — corresponding   to    CL.    amavissem — instead  of  CL. 
amarem  and  amaverim). 

d)  Instead  of  the  CL.  second  plural  imperative,  VL.  used 
the   second   plural   present   indicative    (VL.   amatis  instead  of   CL. 
amate).     Furthermore,  VL.  used  the  first  plural  present  indicative  as 
a  first  plural  imperative  (VL.  amamus  =  let  us  love).    Cf.  358  ;  369  ; 
373  ;  379  ;  and  page  112,  line  7. 

338.  Grammarians  often  divide  verbs  into  two  classes — 'weak' 
and  'strong.'  A  weak  verb  is  one  whose  perfect  has  no  stem-stressed 
forms  ;  a  strong  verb  is  one  whose  perfect  first  and  third  singular  and 
third  plural  are  stressed  on  the  stem.  For  various  reasons  it  is  con- 
venient to  classify  VL. — OF.  verbs  by  this  system  (in  the  following 
classification  be  it  borne  in  mind  that  VL.  and  CL.  infinitives 
were  generally  identical  in  form): 

1)    Weak  Verbs,  Class  I.     Here  belong  practically  all  VL. 
verbs  ending  in  -are  ;  in  OF.  they  end  in  -er  or  -ier  (52.  1). 

Weak  Verbs,  Class  II.     Here  belong   practically  all 
VL.  verbs  ending  in  -ire  ;  in  OF.  they  end  in  -ir  (36).     This  class 


— A  /?£  > 


; 


92          CONJUGATION— FIRST   OLD  FRENCH    PERIOD 

is  subdivided  :  II.  a)  those  VL.  -ire  verbs  which  had  not  adopted  the 
so-called  inceptive  or  inchoative  suffix  -sc-  ;  II.  b)  those  which  had 
adopted  that  suffix  in  certain  tenses  (cf.  373).  Classical  Latin  is 
here  of  no  assistance  to  our  memories,  for  many  verbs  which  were 
without  the  inceptive  suffix  in  CL. ,  and  in  early  VL. ,  adopted  it  in  later 
VL.  Ca.  1100  only  about  thirty  verbs  still  remained  in  II.  a,  of  which 
the  most  important  were  :  bulir  ;  cuillir  •  euvrir  ;  dormir  ;  eissir  ; 
falir  ;  ferir  ;  fydir  ;  fudir  ;  glutir  ;  grondir  ;  hadir  ;  jodir  ;  mentir  ; 
merir  ;  odir  ;  ofrir  •  partir  ;  repentir  ;  salir  ;  sentir  ;  servir  ;  sortir  ; 
sufrir  •  uvrir  ;  vertir  ;  vestir. 

Weak  Verbs,  Class  III.  Here  belong  about  twenty  VL. 
verbs  ending  in  L$re  ;  in  OF.  they  end  in  -r$  (76).  The  nucleus  of 
this  class  had  been  the  VL.  compounds  of  dare  :  for  example,  VL. 
rendgre  (=  CL.  rZddere — rend-  instead  of  r$dd-  was  from  analogy 
with  pr&ndere).  These  verbs  were  strong  in  CL.  (reddidi),  and  had 
been  so  in  early  VL. ,  but  became  weak  in  later  VL. ,  as  a  result  of 
the  process  called  recomposition  (15.  Note)  ;  this  process,  affecting  the 
perfect-stem  tenses  (VL.  rendgdi  =  CL.  reddldi)  but  not  the  present- 
stem  tenses  (VL.  rendo  =  CL.  reddo),  caused  what  was  really  the 
perfect  of  dare  to  seem  like  endings.  To  this  nucleus  were  added, 
toward  the  end  of  the  VL.  period,  some  other  verbs,  most  of  them 
with  stem  in  -nd  (for  example,  VL.  respondgre),  which  through 
some  analogical  influence  adopted  the  perfect  of  dare  as  perfect 
endings.  Following  are  the  most  important  verbs  of  Weak,  III ; 
batre  ;  deseendre  ;  fendre  ;  fondre  ;  naistre  ;  pendre  ;  perdre  ;  rendre ; 
respondre ;  rompre  ;  suivre  ;  tendre  ;  veintre  ;  vendre  ;  vivre. 

2)  Strong  Verbs.  Here  belong  practically  all  VL.  verbs 
ending  in  -ere  and  L%re  (except  those  mentioned  just  above) ;  in  OF. 
they  end  in  -eir  or  ir  (39.  1)  and  -r$  (76).  Here  belong  also  those 
very  few  VL.  verbs  in  -are  and  -ire  which  are  not  weak  (cf.  385  ;  415  ; 
420).  All  these  VL.— OF.  verbs  fall  into  three  classes  :  Strong,  I) 
those  whose  perfect  first  singular  ends  in  -i  in  VL.,  which  ending 
disappears  in  OF.  (vidi  >  mt);  Strong,  II)  those  whose  perfect  first 


ENDINGS   OF   THE   PRESENT   INDICATIVE 


93 


singular  ends  in  VL.  in  -si,  in  OF.  in  -s  (*presi —  CL.  prVhendl — > 
pris} ;  Strong,  III)  those  whose  perfect  first  singular  ends  in  VL.  in 
-ui,  in  OF.  in  various  manners  :  (debui  >  dui  —  cf.  206.  Note  ;  342. 
3  ;  and  404).  In  the  inflection  of  their  non-perfect-stem  tenses  (the 
tenses  formed  on  the  perfect-stem  are  the  perfect  indicative  and  the 
imperfect  subjunctive)  most  of  the  strong  verbs  follow  Weak,  III 
(but  cf.  382). 


339. 


ENDINGS 

In  the  following  sections  we  do  not  at- 
tempt to  explain  all  differences  between 
the  CL.  and  the  VL.  forms.  To  do  so 
would  lead  too  far  afield. 

Present  Indicative 


Weak,  I 


CL. 

VL. 

canto 

=•    canto 

cantos 

=     cantos 

cantat 

=     cantat 

cantamus 

=     cantamus 

cantatis 

=     cantatis 

cantant 

=     cantant 

OF.  ca.  1100 

chant 

chant  qs 

chant  qt 

chant  ons 

chant  Its  [chantez] 

chant  $nt 


partlo 

partis 

partit 

partlmus 

partltts 

partitint 


Weak,  II.  a 

*pdrto  > 

partis  > 

partit  > 

partimus  > 

partitis  > 

*pdrtunt  > 


part  (348.  2.  b) 
part  s  [parz\ 
par    t  (cf.  Note) 
part  gns 
part  ets 
part  ent 


94         CONJUGATION— FIRST   OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

• 
Weak,  II.  b 

finlo  *fintsco  fan  is  (81.  Note) 

finis  =  *finiscis  >>  f$n  is 

fnut  *finiscit  >  f$n  ist 

fl minus  =  *finiscimus  >  f§n  issons  (136) 

flmtls  =  *finiscitis  >  f$n  issiets 

finlunt  =  *finiscunt  >>  fgn  issqnt 

Weak,  III 
and  Strong 

rtddd         =  rendo  >  rent  (for  the  n,  cf.  338.  1.  in) 

rZddis        =  rendis  >  rent    s  [renz~] 

r&ddlt        =  rendit  ^>  ren     t 

rSddlmus  =  rendimus  ^>  rend  .ons 

rZdditls      =  renditis  ^>  rend  ets 

rZddunt     =  rendunt  ^>  rend  $nt 

Some  1st  singulars  of  I,  or  of  II.  a,  developing  in  accordance  with 
78.  2,  end  in  -$  in  OF.  :  entro  (CL.  Intro)  >  entr  $.  Some  2d 
plurals  of  I  acquired  phonologically  the  ending  -iez  :  for  instance, 
tradati&>  trait  iez  (52.  1  ;  and  158.  1).  "Notice  that  the  VL.  1st 
plural  endings,  instead  of  developing  normally,  were  displaced  by  a 
new  OF.  ending,  -ons,  by  analogy  to  the  normal  1st  plural  of  the 
much  used  auxiliary  to  be:  (OF.  sons  <  VL.  somus  —  cf.  185): 
cantdmus,  for  example,  becomes  chantons  ;  instead  of  ehantains,  as  we 
should  expect  from  53.  1.  In  the  2d  plural  the  ending  of  the  first 

(conjugation,  -ez  «&tis  —  52.  1),  supplanted  the  normal  endings  of 
the  other  conjugations  :  for  example,  partitis  >  partez  ;  instead  of 
partiz,  as  we  should  expect  from  36.  The  supplanting  analogical  end- 
ing was  -iez  if  the  VL.  stem  of  the  affected  verb  ended  in  a  palatal  or 
palatalized  consonant :  fenissiez  possessed  -iez  on  account  of  the  c  in 
the  VL.  form. 

Note.   In  the  OF.  singular  of  Weak,  III,  the  verb-stem  is  irregular,  the  final 
d  of  the  VL.  stem  having  become  t  in  the  1st  and  2d  singular,  and  having  disap- 


ENDINGS  OF   THE  PRESENT   SUBJUNCTIVE 


95 


peared  in  the  3d  singular.  This  phenomenon,  however,  is  not  peculiar  to 
these  forms.  All  VL.  verb-stems  ending  in  d  or  t  lose  the  d  or  t  when- 
ever they  come  in  OF.  to  stand  before  the  ending  -/,  irrespective  of  conjugation 
or  tense  (cf.  such  sections  as  122.  3  ;  and  123).  A  somewhat  similar  phenomenon 
occurs  when  VL.  verb-stems  end  in  p,  6,  or  v  ;  the  p,  b,  or  v  becomes  /  when  it 
comes  in  OF.  to  stand  before  no  Sectional  ending  (106),  and  disappears  before 
the  endings  -s  and  -t  (111):  for  example,  the  indicative  present  of  vivre  «  VL. 
vivere)  is  vif,  vi  s,  vi  t,  viv  ons,  etc.  VL.  stems  in  m  or  n  make  the  following 
changes  :  (1)  Postvocal  m  or  n,  before  a  vowel-ending  remains  intact ;  before  a 
consonant-ending  or  when  there  is  no  Sectional  ending,  m  becomes  n,  n  remains 
intact  (180  and  185):  aimer  «  VL.  amdre)  has  present  subjunctive  am,  am  s, 
ain  t,  aim  ons,  etc.  (2)  Postconsonantal  m  or  n,  before  a  vowel-ending  or  no 
Sectional  ending  generally  remains  intact  ( 188) ;  before  a  consonant-ending  gener- 
ally disappears  (189):  dormir  «  VL.  dormire)  has  present  indicative  dorm, 
dor  s,  dor  t,  dorm  ons,  etc.  VL.  stems  ending  in  a  palatal  result  in  various  irreg- 
ularities, too  complicated  to  be  presented  in  any  simple  formula.  All  of  the 
foregoing  phenomena  are  so  common  that  it  will  be  impossible  for  us  to  explain 
or  even  mention  them  on  every  occurrence.  The  student  must  endeavor  to  bear 
constantly  in  mind  the  phonological  laws  which  cause  the  most  important,  or 
at  least  the  simplest,  of  them. 


340. 


Present  Subjunctive 
Weak,  I 


cantZm 

cantes 

cantet 

cantemtis 

catitetls 

cdntent 


partidm 

partias 

partidt 

p&rtiamtis 

partiatls 

pdrtidnt 


cdnte  >> 

cantes  > 

cantet  > 

cantemus  ]> 

cantetis  ^> 
cdntent 

Weak,  II.  a 

*pdrta 

*pdrtas  ^> 
*pdrtat 

*partdmus  ^> 

*partdtis  > 

*pdrtant  ^> 


chant 

chant  s  [chanz] 

chan    t  (339.  Note) 

chant  ons 

chant  Its  [chantez] 

chant  gnt 


part  $  (348.  2/b) 

part  $s 

part  gt 

part  otis 

part  ets 

part  $nt 


96 


CONJUGATION— FIRST  OLD  FRENCH  PERIOD 


finWm          = 


finW 
flnldmus 
firitatts 
firit&nt 


Weak,  II.  b     ^ 

*fint8ca         >    fan  iss?  (81.  Note) 


*fini8cat  >  fan 

*finiscdmu8  >>  fan 

*finiscdtis  >  fan  issiets 

*finiscant  >  fan  is 


re'dd&m 

r&ddas 

redd&t 

rVddamus 

rSddatls 

rZdd&nt 


Weak,  III 
and  Strong 

renda 

rendas  ^> 

rendat  > 

renddmns  > 

renddtis  ^> 

rendant  "> 


rend  $ 
rend  $s 
rend  qt 
rend  ons 
rend  ets 
rend  $nt 


Some  1st,  2d,  and  3d  singulars  of  Weak,  I,  developing  in  accord- 
ance with  78,  end  in  -£,  -es,  and  -^  :  entre  (CL.  Intrem)  >  entr  $. 
Some  2d  plurals  of  Weak,  II.  a,  and  of  Strong,  and  all  2d  plurals  of 
Weak,  II.  b,  developing  by  52.  1,  end  in  -iez  :  dicdtis  >  di  iets 
[diiez]  (140.  1  and  133.  Note  2).  All  OF.  present  subjunctive  1st 
plural  endings  are  analogical,  having  been  adopted  in  imitation  of  the 
corresponding  present  indicative  endings.  The  second  plural  ending  of 
Week,  I  is  -ets  or  -iets  (instead  of-eits  or  -its,  as  we  should  expect  from 
39.  1)  from  analogy  with  the  corresponding  endings  of  the  other  con- 
jugations. All  of  the  present  subjunctive  forms  of  Weak,  II.  b  are 
analogical  in  the  development  of  VL.  sc.  :  *finisca  would  normally 
give  fanistsg  (142.  1)  ;  it  becomes  fanissq  from  analogy  with  the  pre- 
sent indicative. 


ENDINGS  OF   THE  IMPERFECT  INDICATIVE 


341.  Imperfect  Indicative 

Weak,  I 


97 


cantdbdm 
cdntdbds 

cdntdbat  = 

cantdbdmijis  -= 

cdntdbdtis  = 

cdntdbant  = 


pdrtiebdm 

pdrtiebds 

p&rtiebdt 

partiebdmus 

partiebdtis 

parttebant 


fintebds 

finiebat 

fmiebdmus 

finlebatts 

fintebant 


rZddebam 

rZddebas 

reddebat 

reddebamus 

reddebatis 

reddebant 


cantdba  ^>  chant  $$ 

cantdbas  >  chant  p$s 

cantdbat  ^>  chant  $t 

cantabdmus  >•  chant  iiens 

cdntabdtis  >  chant  iiets  [chantiiez] 

cantdbant  ^>  chant 

Weak,  II.  a 


partea 

parteas 

parteat 

pdrtedmus 

pdrtedtis 

parteant 


part  ei$ 
part  ei$s 
part  eit 
part  iiens 
part  iiets  [partiiez] 
part  eiqnt 


Weak,  II.  b 

*finiscea  > 

*finisceas  > 

*fmisceat  ^> 
*finiscedmus  >> 

*finiscedtis  ]> 

*jinisceant  ^> 


(136) 
fgn    sseigs 
f$n    sseit 
f$n    ss  ims 
f$n    ssiiets  [fenissiiez] 
fqn  isseignt 


Weak,  III 
and  Strong 

rendea  >     rend  ei$ 

rendeas  >     rend  eies 

rendeat  >     rend  eit 

rendedrnus  >  rend  iiens 

rendedtis  >  rend  iiets  [rendiiez] 

rendeant  ^>  rend  client 


98          CONJUGATION-FIRST   OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD 

The  development  -aba  >  -p$  etc.  is  not  in  accord  with  52.  1  and  106  ; 
but  this  development,  as  well  as  -edmus  >  -iiens  and  -edtis  >  -iiets,  is 
too  complicated  for  discussion  in  an  elementary  grammar.  In  Weak, 
I  the  endings  -iiens  and  -iiez  are  clearly  from  analogy  with  the  other 
conjugations.  The  t  of  -eit,  as  well  as  the  absence  of  §  in  all  the 
3d  singulars  (we  should  expect  £  on  account  of  78.  3),  is  perhaps 
from  analogy  with  imperfect  subjunctive  3d  singulars  (124.  Note  ; 
and  343).  In  Weak,  II.  b,  -issei$,  etc.,  instead  of  issi$,  etc.  (39.  1), 
are  from  analogy  with  such  normal  forms  as  parteiq,  etc. ;  finisc-  > 
fqniss-  (breaking  80.  2)  from  analogy  with  such  normal  forms  as 
frissons  (339);  cf.  also  81.  Note. 


342.   1) 


Perfect  Indicative 

Weak,  I 

c&ntdvi 

=     cantdi           ^ 

>     chant  di 

cdntdvistl 

—     cantdsti         ^ 

>     chant'  as 

cantdvU 

=     cantdt 

>     chant  at 

cantdvlmus 

=     cantdmus      ^ 

>     chant  Zme^ 

cantdvistts 

=     cantdstis        ^ 

>     chant  attqs 

cantavertint 

=     cantdrunt     ^ 

chant  erqnt 

* 

Weak,  II.  a  and  b 

p&rtlvl  —  partii  ^>  part  i 

parfccl4l  =  partisti  ^>  part  is 

partlvU  =  partit  ^>  part  it 

pdrt'tvtmiis  =  partiinus  >>  part  imqs 

parfivMls  =  partistis  ^>  part  idqs 

p&rtlver&nt  =  partirunt  ^>  part  irqnt 

The  development  -at  >  -at,  contrary  to  the  law  of  52.  1,  cannot  be 
satisfactorily  explained.  The  same  may  be  said  of  the  retention,  in 
the  OF.  1st  and  2d  plurals,  of  the  unstressed  vowel  of  the  VL.  end- 
ing, a  proceeding  contrary  to  the  laws  of  78.  Some  3d  plurals  of 


ENDINGS  OF   THE   PERFECT  INDICATIVE 


99 


reak,  I,  developing  by  52.  1,  end  in  -iergnt :  tractdrunt  >  trait 
ierqnt  (158.  1).  The  OF.  2d  singulars  given  above  have  lost  t 
(which  should  remain — cf.  122.  3)  from  analogy  with  the  correspond- 
ing persons  of  all  other  tenses.  The  a  in  -dmus  does  not  become  ai 
(as  we  should  expect  from  53.  1)  but  remains  unchanged,  doubtless 
by  analogy  with  the  vowel  of  the  2d  plural. 

2) 


Weak,  III 

rUdidl 

rendgdi         > 

rend  i  (338.  1) 

reddidMl        = 

rendesti         >> 

rend  is 

reddidtt          = 

rendgdit        > 

rend  iet 

rZddidimus     = 

rendgdimus  ^> 

rend  imes 

reddidistis      = 

rendestis        > 

rend  istqs 

reddtderunt    = 

rendgderunt  > 

rend  iedrgnt 

The  second  d  of  the  VL.  ending  -dgdi  disappeared  by  a  process  called 
'  dissimilation  '  ;  then  -$,  became  -i  by  50.  -esti  became  -is  by  43 
(for  the  disappearance  of  t,  cf.  the  explanation,  given  above,  of 
cantasti  >  cantas*).  -imes  and  -istes  are  analogical  endings,  adopted  in 
imitation  of  Weak,  II. 

3)  Strong,  I 


vldi  '= 

vldistl 

vldit 

vidimus 

vidistis 

viderunt         = 


misi 

mlsistl 

mmt 

mlsimiSis 

mlsistis 

miser  tint 


videsti 

vidit 

videmus 

videstis 

viderunt 

Strong,  II 

misi 

misesti 

misit 

misemus 

misestis 

miserunt 


>  vit 

^>  v$d  is  (81.  Note) 

^>  vi      t 

^>  v$d  im$s 

>  v$d  istes 
^>  vid  r$nt 


>  mi  s 

>  wif  sis  (81.  Note) 
•     mi  st 


m$  sistgs 
mi  strqnt 


100        CONJUGATION— FIRST   OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 


hab&l 
habulstl 
habitit 
habutmus 


hdbuerunt      = 


Strong,  III 

dbui 

abuesti 

dbyit 

abuemus 

abuestis 

dbuerunt 


us 
t 

iimgs 


Notice  the  important  differences  between  CL.  and  VL.  stress  in  the 
1st  and  3rd  plurals  ;  late  VL.  had  developed  these  differences  for  ana- 
logical reasons.  The  OF.  endings  of  Strong,  I  and  II  are  for  the  most 
part  normal  :  for  the  disappearance  of  2d  singular  t,  cf.  the  explana- 
tion, given  above,  of  cantasti  ]>  eantas  ;  the  1st  and  2d  plural  endings 
are  from  analogy  with  Weak,  II  ;  for  the  stem-vowels,  cf.  349.  As 
to  Strong,  III,  we  cannot  go  into  detail,  owing  to  the  many  complex 
problems  involved  (chief  of  which  are  those  mentioned  in  206.  Note) ; 
we  moreover  refrain,  merely  on  account  of  considerations  of  space,  from 
giving  the  five  paradigms  which  this  class  really  demands  (404); 
here  let  it  suffice  to  say  that  the  endings  of  all  these  five  sub-classes 
are  differentiated  from  those  of  Strong,  I  and  II  by  the  presence  of  u 
and  the  absence  of  s. 


343.  Imperfect  Subjunctive  (cf.  337.  2.  c) 


cantdvlss$m 

c&ntdvlsses 

cantavlssM 

c&ntdvlssemtis 

cantavisseHs 

cantavlssZnt 


Weak,  I 

cantdsse 

cantdsses 

cantdsset 

cdntassemus 

cdntassetis 

cantdssent 


^>  chant  ass$ 

^>  chant  asses 

^>  chant  ast 

>  chant  issons 

^>  chant  isseits  [-isseiz] 

^>  chant  assent 


ENDINGS  OF   THE  IMPERFECT   SUBJUNCTIVE       101 


Weak,  II.  a  and  b 

partMssem 

partisse            ^> 

part  issg 

partlvlsses           = 

partisses           ^> 

part  issgs 

partlvisset 

partisset           ^> 

part  ist 

partivissemus     = 

partissemus      ^> 

part  issons 

partlvissetts        = 

partissetis 

part  isseits 

partivlsse'nt        = 

partissent         ]> 

part  issejit 

Weak,  III 

re'ddidisse'm       = 

rendesse            ^> 

rend  issg 

rZddidisses         = 

rendesses          ^> 

•     rend  issgs 

reddidlsset         = 

rendesset          ^> 

•     rend  ist 

reddidissemus    = 

rendessemus     ^> 

rend  issons 

r&ddidissefls      = 

rendessetis        ^> 

rend  isseits 

reddUissent       = 

rendessent        > 

rend  issqnt 

Strong,  I 

vldisstm 

videsse              > 

.     v$d  iss$  (81.  Note) 

vldlsses 

videsses             > 

•     v§d  isstp 

vldissZt 

videsset 

vqd  ist 

vidissemus         = 

videssemus        ]> 

•     vqd  issons 

vidissetis 

vldessetis          ^> 

vqd  isseits 

vidissZnt 

videssent 

vqd  issent 

Strong,  II 

mislsse-m 

misesse              > 

m$  sissg 

misisses 

misesses 

•     m$  sisses 

misissZt 

misesset             > 

mg  sist 

mlslssemus 

mlsessemus        ^> 

m$  sissgns 

mistssetis           = 

misessetis 

mg  siss&ts 

mlslssZnt           == 

misessent          > 

m$  sissent 

102        CONJUGATION— FIRST  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 


hab&tssSm 

habnisses 

habitisset 


Strong,  III 

abuesse  •*, 

abuesses  ^ 


=     a 


habuissetfe 
habitissent 


abuessemus 

dbuessetis 

abuessent 


$  uss$  (206.  Note) 

2  ussqs 

^  iist 

^  ilssgns 

g  usseits 

2  ussqnt 


Notice  that  all  the  endings  of  Weak,  III  and  of  Strong,  I  and  II 
are  analogical  (we  should  expect  e  to  become  e  by  41),  having  been 
adopted  in  imitation  of  Weak,  II.  The  same  is  true  of  the  endings 
of  Strong,  III,  except  that  here  the  vowel  u  (characteristic  of  Strong, 
III—  cf.  342.  3)  is  substituted  for  i  throughout.  As  to  Weak,  I  and 
II  :  the  ^  of  the  1st  and  2d  singular  endings  (which  has  remained 
intact  in  violation  of  78)  is  from  analogy  with  the  corresponding  per- 
sons of  the  present  subjunctives  of  Weak,  II  and  III  ;  -issons  and 
-isseiz  of  Weak,  I,  are  from  analogy  with  Weak,  II  ;  and  -issons  and 
-isseiz  of  Weak,  II,  are  themselves  (except  for  -eiz  <  etis}  analogical 
formations  (in  violation  of  the  laws  of  40.  1,  and  80.  2),  having 
adopted  -ons  in  imitation  of  the  many  other  1st  plurals  which  already 
possessed  it  (339),  and  -iss-  in  imitation  of  such  normal  forms  as 
partisse  and  partisses. 


Infinitive 

c&ntar$     —     cantdre 


344.  1  ) 

Weak,     I  :  c&ntar$  —     cantdre  >  chant  er 

Weak,    II.  [  ptirtlrS  partire  >  part  ir 

Weak,  III:  rZddSrZ  =     rendgre  >  rend  r$ 

Some  infinitives  of  Weak,  I,  developing  in  accordance  with  52.  1, 
end  in  -ier  :  tractdre  >  trait  ier  (158.  1).  As  to  Strong  infinitives  : 
in  VL.  they  end  in  -dre,  -ire,  ±$re,  or  -ere  (338.  2);  therefore  in 


ENDINGS  OF  THE  FUTURE  AND  CONDITIONAL     103 

OF.  they  end  (irrespective  of  class)  like  weak  verbs,  or,  if  in  VL. 
the  ending  is  -ere,  in  -eir  :  abere  (CL.  hdbere')  >  av  eir.  Some  VL. 
infinitives  in  -ere,  developing  in  accordance  with  39.  1,  come  to  end 
in  OF.  in  -ir  :  placere  ^>  plais  ir  (135). 

2)  Although  VL.  infinitives  were  in  general  identical  with 
the  corresponding  CL.  infinitives,  a  few  came,  toward  the  end  of  the 
VL.  period,  to  differ  in  ending  :  for  instance,  early  VL.  sapgre  (CL. 
sdpZre')  >  late  VL.  sapere  >  saveir. 


3)    Future  and  Conditional  (cf.  337.  2.  b) 
Weak,  I 


chant  $rdi 
chant  $ras 
chant  $rat 
chant  grons 
chant  qreits  \_-er  eiz\ 
chant  gront 

chant  greig 

chant  qreigs 

chant  qr&t 

chant  griiens 

chant  griiets  [-eriiez] 

chant  greient 


cdntare1  -\- 

hdbeo 

=   cdntardyo 

> 

hdbes 

=   cdntards 

> 

hdbtt 

=   cdntardt 

> 

hdbemtis 

=   cdntaremus 

> 

hdbetis 

=  cdntaretis 

> 

hdbgnt 

=  cdntardunt 

> 

hdbebdm 

hdbebds 

hdbebdt 

hdbebamus 

hdbebdtts 

hdbebdnt 


cdntarea 

cdntareas 

cdntareat 

cdntaredmus 

cdntaredtis 

cdntareant 


Weak,  II.  a  and  b 


p&rfirt  + 

hdbeo  =  pdrtirdyo  >  part  irdi 

etc.  etc.  etc. 


ptitrtlr&  + 

hdbebdm  =  partirea  >  part  ireig 

etc.  etc.  etc. 


104        CONJUGATION— FIRST   OLD  FRENCH  PERIOD 

Weak,  III 
and  Strong 

rgdde're'  +  rZddgrg  -f 

hab$o  =  rbndejrayo  >  rend  rdi     habebam  =  render ea  >  rend  r&g 

etc.  etc.  etc.  etc.  etc.  etc. 

Notice  the  change  of  stress  made  by  VL.  infinitives  in  -are  and  -ire. 
The  above  compounds  of  Weak,  I  developed  in  accordance  with  80  ; 
those  of  Weak,  II  retained  post-secondary-stress  i  in  violation  of  80, 
probably  from  analogy  with  the  many  forms  of  Weak,  II  where  the  i 
was  normally  retained.  The  retention  of  a  in  the  endings  of  the 
future  2d  and  3d  singulars  (we  should  expect  e  by  52.  1)  is  from 
analogy  with  as  and  at  of  the  verb  aveir  ;  these  forms  of  aveir,  being 
auxiliaries,  and  so  having  very  little  stress,  developed  like  pretonic 
syllables  (cf.  the  third  paragraph  of  10-11  ;  and  87).  -ons  is  from 
analogy  with  the  other  1st  plurals  which  already  possessed  that  ending 
(339).  For  the  explanation  of  the  conditional  endings,  cf.  that  of 
the  imperfect  indicative  endings  of  Weak,  II  (341). 

345.  Present  Participle 

Weak,    I :  cantantZm   =  cantdnte     >  chant  ant 

Weak,    II.    a  :  parft&nt&m  =  *part$nte    >  part  ant  (348.  2.  b) 

Weak,  II.     b  :  finl&nt&m    =*finiscgnte  >  f$n  issdnt  (136) 

'  >    r&dd8nt&m  =    rendente    >>  rend  ant 

Strong          J 

Only  in  Weak,  I,  is  the  OF.  present  participle  ending  normal ;  in 
the  other  conjugations  it  has  been  adopted  in  imitation  of  Weak,  I. 
For  the  explanation  of  feniss-  in  Weak,  II.  b,  cf.  the  last  sentence 
of  341.  Present  participles  are  inflected  according  to  the  paradigm 
of  303.  II. 


ENDINGS  OF   PARTICIPLES  105 

346.  Past  Participle 

Weak,  I :  cantattim   =    cantdtu     >    chant  et 

a  1 
Weak,  II.  ^  \partltum    =  partitu      >   part  it 

Weak,  III  :       redditttm  =    rendutu    >    rend  ut 

Some  past  participles  of  Weak,  I  ended  in  -iet  (52.  1).  Notice 
that  in  Weak,  III,  late  VL.  adopted  participles  in  -utu,  from 
analogy  with  those  verbs  which  had  always  had  such  participles.  As 
to  Strong  verbs,  the  endings  in  VL.  (in  general  identical  with 
those  of  the  corresponding  ^CL.  past  participles)  were  varied,  and, 
developing  normally,  gave  varied  OF.  results  :  for  example,  fdctu 
(CL.  factum)  >  fait  ;  arsu  (CL.  drsum)  >  ars.  But  in  late  VL. 
some  strong  past  participles  underwent  the  same  analogical  influence 
noted  above  for  Weak,  III  :  late  VL.  debutu  (CL.  debltum)  >  d$  ut. 
Past  participles  are  inflected  in  accordance  with  the  paradigm  of 
303.  I.  a. 

STEMS 

347.  The  development  of  Vulgar  Latin  stems  was  usually  normal. 
At  the  same  time,  analogy  played  a  great  part.      Especially  important 
are  the  processes  by  which  stem -differences  wTthin  one  and  the  same 
verb,  whether  existent  in  Vulgar  Latin,  or  arising  later  in  consequence 
of  phonological   development,  were  effaced  by   the  adoption  of  one 
form  as  sole  verb-stem. 

348.  We  will  first  discuss    the   present   stem— upon  which  were 
usually  formed  the  present  indicative,   the  present  subjunctive,   the 
present  participle,   the  imperfect  indicative,  the  imperative,  the  per- 
fect  indicative  (of  weak  verbs),  and  the  imperfect  subjunctive  (of 
weak  verbs). 

1)    A  VL.  stem-vowel  often  developed  differently  according 

as  it  was  or  was  not  stressed.     For  example,  lavas  ^>  lives  (52.  1), 

but  lavdtis^>  lavez  (87*);  amas  >  dimes  (53.  1),   but  amdtis  >  amez 

(87).     But  toward  the  end  of  the  first  OF.  period  such  differences 

8 


106         CONJUGATION— FIRST   OLD  FRENCH  PERIOD 

began  to  be  effaced  by  the  influence  of  analogy.  And  since  there 
were  only  nine  stem-stressed  forms  (the  1st,  2d,  3d  singular  and  3d 
plural  of  the  present  indicative  and  present  subjunctive,  and  the  2d 
singular  of  the  imperative),  and  a  much  greater  number  of  ending- 
stressed  forms,  the  vowel  of  the  latter  forms  was  almost  always 
adopted  for  the  stressed  syllables  of  the  former  :  for  example,  laf, 
laves,  lavet,  lavent,  etc.,  instead  of  normal  lef,  leves,  levet,  levent,  etc. 
The  verb  aimer,  on  the  contrary,  began  to  make  universal  the  vowel 
of  the  stem-stressed  forms,  and  ca.  1100  we  frequently  find  forms  like 
dimez  instead  of  normal  amez. 

2)  Many  VL.  verbs  contained  an  i  between  stem  and  ending 
in  certain  of  their  forms  (the  corresponding  CL.  verbs  have  sometimes 
I,  sometimes  I—  cf.  the  last  paragraph  of  16-20):  for  example,  VL. 
facio,  tacio  (CL.  facto,  taceo}.     This  is  called  the  '  derivative  vowel. ' 

a)  In  a  great  many  verbs  this  derivative  vowel  developed 
normally  :  facio  ^>fats  \_faz~\  (198). 

b)  In  other  verbs  the  derivative  vowel  disappeared  without 
leaving  any  trace,   from  analogy  with  the  forms  of  the  verb  which 
contained  no  derivative  vowel  ;  this  disappearance  took  place,  in  most 
cases,  during  the  VL.  period  :  VL.  *parto  (CL.  partio)  >  OF.  part 
(partio  would  have  given  parz  by  195). 

3)  Differences  in   stress,   or   differences   in   the   vowels   of 
endings,  often  caused  a  VL.  stem  to  develop  differently  in  regard  to 
its  final  consonant.     For  example,  dobitas  >  dutes  (122.  2.  b),  but 
dobitdtis  >  dudez  (122.   2.   c);    pasco  >  pdis  (146),  but  pascal  > 
pastset  [paschet]  (142.  1).     Many  (but  by  no  means  all — cf.  339. 
Note)  such  resultant  differences  were  effaced  early  in   the  first  OF. 
period  by  universalizing  one  or  the  other  result.     No  manuscript  con- 
tains the  form  dudez  ;   by  the  time  writing  of  Old  French  became 
common,  the  analogical  form  dutez  had  taken  its  place.     Likewise  the 
analogical  present  subjunctive  paisset  early  appears  beside  the  normal 
form  paschet,  and  eventually  causes  the  entire  disappearance  of  the 
latter. 

4)  A  few  verbs  show  very  great  irregularities  in  the  develop- 


STEMS  107 

ment  of  the  present  stem,  due  to  various  causes.  For  example,  VL. 
abio  (CL.  habeo)  would  normally  have  become  OF.  adze  (191); 
instead,  the  OF.  form  is  di,  and  we  may  therefore  infer  an  inter- 
mediate VL.  form  *ayo  (with  irregular  disappearance  of  the  labial, 
probably  due  to  the  fact  that  the  word  was  so  very  frequently  used 
with  very  little  stress — a  phenomenon  of  syntactic  phonology,  cf.  the 
third  paragraph  of  10-11),  which  became  di  (151). 

349.  The  stems  of  the  VL.   strong  perfects  and  imperfect  sub- 
junctives usually  developed  normally,    with  the  result  that   in  OF. 
they  often  showed  within  themselves  differences  of  stem- vowels.     For 
example,  mm  >  mis  (36),  but  misesti  (CL.  midsti)  >  mqsis  (43  ;  81. 
Note).     We  find,  however,  many  irregularities  in  the  development 
of  VL.  strong  perfects  and  imperfect  subjunctives,  due  for  the  most 
part  to  the  influence  of  analogy.     For  example,  VL.  *presit  (CL. 
prehZndit)  ]>  prist,  instead  of  preist,  as  we  should  expect  from  39.  1  ; 
this  irregularity   is   probably  due   to   the   analogy  of  the  form  pris 
«*prm)  where  the  i  is  normal  (43). 

350.  Although  most  strong  past  participle  stems  developed  nor- 
mally, many  underwent  analogical  influences.     OF.  dit,  for  example, 
cannot  have  come  directly  from  VL.  dectu  (CL.  dictum),  which  would 
have  given  deit  by  44.     Probably  dectu  did  give  deit,  and  deit  was 
then  changed  to  dit  from  analogy  with  the  perfect  dis  «  dixi*),  where 
the  i  was  normal  (38) ;  and  also,  perhaps,  from  analogy  with  the  past 
participle  escrit  «  escriptu}. 

Conjugation  during  the  Second  Old  French  Period 

The  following  paradigms  present  the 
forms  of  ca.  1100.  Each  paradigm  is 
followed  by  a  statement  of  analogical 
changes  during  the  second  period.  For 
the  sake  of  simplicity  we  shall  mention 
normal  changes  only  when  there  seems 
to  be  some  especial  reason  for  so  doing ; 
be  it  constantly  borne  in  mind,  how- 


108        CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

ever,  that  all  the  paradigms  develop 
in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  207- 
282,  unless  the  contrary  is  stated. 
For  the  sake  of  simplicity,  again,  we 
shall  avoid  further  mention  of  the  pro- 
cesses described  in  348,  although  some 
of  them  did  not  reach  completion  until 
well  into  the  second  period. 

Weak,   I 

351.  Cf.  338.  1.    During   the   second   period  Weak,  I  was  con- 
siderably augmented  by  OF.   verbs  which  did  not  come  from  VL. 
verbs,  but  were  formed  anew  by  processes  of  word-formation  (cf.  12. 
Note) :  for  example,  OF.  fester  was  formed  by  adding  the  infinitive 
ending  -er  to  the  stem  of  the  OF.  word  feste  «  VL.  festa),   there 
having  been,  probably,  no  VL.  verb  festare. 

352.  Present  Indicative 

chant  entr  §  trait 

chant  §s  entr  $s  trait  $s 

chant  $t  entr  $t  trait  gt 

chant  ons  entr  ons  trait  ons 

chant  ez  entr  ez  trait  iez 

chant  $nt  entr  $nt  trait  $nt 

Cf.  339.  During  the  second  period  1st  singulars  like  chant  and  trait 
more  and  more  frequently  added  £  because  of  the  presence  of  that 
letter  in  both  the  2d  and  3d  singular,  and  also  from  analogy  with 
forms  like  entrq.  The  occasional  2d  plurals  in  -iez  were  soon  sup- 
planted by  forms  in  -ez,  from  analogy  with  the  much  greater  number 
of  verbs  with  2d  plural  in  -ez. 

353.  Present  Subjunctive 

chant  entr  §  trait 

chant  s  [chanz\  entr  $s  trait  s 

chan   t  entr  qt  trai   t 


WEAK,  I  109 

chant  ons  entr  ons  trait  ons 

chant  ez  entr  ez  trait  iez 

chant  qnt  entr  $nt  trait  $nt 

Cf.  340.  During  the  second  period  the  endings  -f,  -fs,  -$  of  the  type 
entre  were  adopted  for  all  verbs,  in  which  change  the  analogy  of  the 
present  subjunctive  endings  of  the  other  conjugations  also  played  a 
part.  The  1st  plural  ending,  influenced  by  a  present  subjunctive 
1st  plural  ending  -iens  peculiar  to  some  of  the  OF.  dialects,  became 
-ions  (pronounced  -igns  —  cf.  254  and  277)  toward  the  end  of  the 
second  period.  By  that  time  -ez  had  become  -iez  from  analogy  with 
the  1st  plural. 

354.  Imperfect  Indicative 

chant  p£ 

chant  pgs 

chant  pt 

chant  iiens 

chant  iiets  [chantiiez~^ 

chant 


Cf.   341.     During   the    twelfth    century  the  imperfects  of  Weak,   I 
adopted    throughout   the    endings    of    Weak,    II.       For   subsequent 
development,  cf.  365. 
355.  Perfect  Indicative 

chant  di  trait  di 

chant  as  trait  as 

chant  at  trait  at 

chant  ames  trait  dmes 

chant  astes  trait  astes 

chant  ergnt  trait  iergnt 

Cf.  342.  1.  During  the  second  period  the  1st  plural  inserted  an  s 
(-asmes)  from  analogy  with  the  2d  plural  ;  this  change,  however,  was 
probably  purely  orthographical  —  cf.  129  and  280  ;  -ierent  was  soon 
replaced  by  -erent  ;  cf.  the  last  sentence  of  352. 


110         CONJUGATION— SECOND   OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD 

356.  Imperfect  Subjunctive 

chant  assq 
chant  ass $s 
chant  ast 
chant  issgns 
chant  isseiz 
chant  assent 

Cf.  343.  Toward  the  end  of  the  second  period  -issons  and  -isseiz  are 
supplanted  by  -issions  and  -issiez  from  analogy  with  the  present  sub- 
junctive (353). 

357.  Future  and  Conditional 

chant  $rdi  chant  greig 

chant  $ras  chant  qreies 

chant  $rat  chant  greit 

chant  qrgns  chant  qriiens 

chant  qreiz  chant  qriiets  [chanteriiez] 

chant  qrgnt  chant  qreignt 

Cf.  337.  2.  b  ;  and  344.  3.  Toward  the  very  end  of  the  second 
period  -eiz  begins  to  yield  to  -%z  (from  earlier  -ez — cf.  211),  from 
analogy  with  the  present  indicative  2d  plural  ending.  For  the  subse- 
quent development  of  the  conditional  endings,  which  are  identical  with 
the  imperfect  endings  of  Weak,  II,  cf.  365. 

358.  Imperative:  chant  §  «VL.  cdnta) 

chant  on*  ( <  cantdmus  ;    an    analogical    de- 
velopment—cf.  339) 
chant  ez  «cantdtis) 
Cf.  337.  2.  d. 

359.  Infinitive  :  chant  er  ;  trait  ier. 

Cf.  344.  1.  -ier  was  soon  replaced  by  -er  ;  cf.  the  last  sentence  of  352. 

360.  Present  Participle  :  chant  ant. 
Past  Participle  :  chant  et  ;  trait  iet. 

Cf.  345  and  346.  -iet  was  soon  replaced  by  -et  ;  cf.  the  last  sentence 
of  352. 


IRREGULAR  VERBS  OF  WEAK,  I        111 

Irregular  Verbs  of  Weak,  I 

361.  Several  verbs,  although  they  possess  the  general  characteris- 
tics of  Weak,  I,  are  in  some  forms  irregular.  For  example,  the  first 
singular  of  the  present  indicative  of  aler  is  vpis.  Evidently  this  form 
does  not  come  from  the  same  VL.  stem  as  does  the  infinitive — it  comes 
from  vado.  Furthermore,  its  development  from  vado  is  very  irregular. 
The  latter  would  have  given  normally  vet  (52.  1  ;  78.  2  ;  and  116)  : 
we  must  suppose,  first,  that  the  d  of  vado  became  silent  extremely 
early  because  of  the  frequent  use  of  the  word  (a  phenomenon  of  syn- 
tactic phonology — cf.  the  third  paragraph  of  10-11);  secondly,  that 
vao  was  contracted  to  vp  for  the  same  reason  ;  thirdly,  that  -is  was 
added  from  analogy  with  a  few  very  common  verbs  like  OF.  ndis 
«  VL.  nasco)  where  the  -is  was  normal  (146). 

We  shall  adopt  the  following  method  of  presenting  the  Old 
French  irregular  verbs. 

We  shall  present  only  the  most  irregular  (431).  From  339.  Note, 
and  347-350,  it  may  be  inferred  that  an  exceedingly  great  number  of 
J3F.  verbs  were  irregular — many  more  than  in  modern  French,  where 
jjountless  irregularities  have  been  effaced  by  analogical  processes  ;  far 
too  many  to  be  given  in  a  grammar  of  this  scope.  Of  these  '  most 
irregular'  verbs  we  shall  give  the  forms  current  ca.  1100.  We  shall 
not  attempt  to  explain  the  irregularities.  Such  explanations  may  be 
found  in  the  corresponding  sections  of  the  Schwan-Behrens  ;  as  the 
above  discussion  of  vois  shows,  they  are  out  of  place  in  an  elementary 
grammar.  Nor  shall  we  discuss,  except  in  case  of  especial  need, 
development  during  the  second  period  ;  be  it  constantly  borne  in 
mind,  however,  that  the  irregular  verbs  not  only  developed  in  accord- 
ance with  the  laws  of  207-282,  but  also  shared  in  the  analogical 
changes  which  affected  regular  verbs.  We  shall  give  the  five  principal 
parts  of  the  verb  .in  question.  From  these  principal  parts  all  regular 
forms  of  the  verb  may  then  be  inferred  :  from  the  infinitive  stem  may 
be  inferred  the  future  and  conditional,  by  adding  the  future  and 
conditional  endings  ;  from  the  present  participle  stem  may  be  inferred 


112         CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

the  imperfect  indicative,  the  present  subjunctive,  and  the  first  and 
second  plural  of  the  present  indicative,  by  adding  the  appropriate 
endings  ;  from  the  past  participle  may  be  inferred  the  compound 
tenses,  by  prefixing  the  auxiliary  aveir  or  estre,  and  the  passive  tenses, 
by  prefixing  the  auxiliary  estre  ;  from  the  present  indicative  first 
singular  stem  may  be  inferred  the  second  and  third  singular  and 
third  plural  of  that  tense,  and  the  three  persons  of  the  imperative  are 
normally  identical  in  form  with  the  first  singular,  the  first  plural,  and 
the  second  plural  of  the  present  indicative,  excepting  that  in  the  first 
conjugation  the  second  singular  imperative  adds  -$  to  the  present 
indicative  first  singular  stem  ;  from  the  perfect  first  singular  stem  may 
be  inferred  the  remainder  of  that  tense,  and  the  imperfect  subjunctive. 
The  following  table  may  make  the  foregoing  more  clear  : 


Infinitive         Present  Participle         Past  Participle          Present  Indicative 

Perfect  Indicative 

chant 

er 

chant 

ant                chant  et                   chant 

chant 

ai 

^ 

1   " 

^^ 

^ 

.* 

Future         Imperfect  Indicative     ^>^ 

chant 

es 

chant 

as 

^^>. 

chant 

.et 

chant 

at 

chant 

erai 

chant 

oe                          ^**°^^^± 

"    chant 

ons 

chant 

ames 

chant 

eras 

chant 

oes                                  ^^ 

f  chant 

ez 

chant 

astes 

chant 

erat 

chant 

ot                                            , 

chant 

ent 

chant 

erent 

chant 

erons 

chant 

Hens 

chant 

ereiz 

chant 

iiez 

1 

chant 

eront 

chant 

oent 

Imperative 

Imperfect 

Subjunct 

{ 

]f 

1 

^  chant 

e 

chant 

asse 

Conditional 

Present  Subjunctive 

*  chant 

ons 

chant 

asses 

^ 

}  chant 

ez 

chant 

ast 

chant 

ereie 

chant 

chant 

issons 

chant 

ereies 

chant 

s  \chanz~] 

chant 

isseiz 

chant 

ereit 

chan 

*(  339.  Note) 

chant 

assent 

chant 

eriiens 

chant 

ons 

chant 

eriiez 

chant 

ez 

chant 

ereient 

chant 

ent 

IRREGULAR  VERBS  OF  WEAK,  I        113 

Adopting  the  arrangement  of  the  above  table,  we  shall  give  all 
uninferable — that  is,  all  irregular — forms  of  a  verb  in  their  places 
in  it,  letting  blank  places  imply  regular  forms.  We  shall  never 
give  the  conditional,  for  its  stem  is  invariably  identical  with  the 
future  stem.  When  a  verb  forms  its  compound  tenses  with  the 
auxiliary  estre,  we  shall  give  the  first  singular  of  the  past  indefi- 
nite immediately  under  the  past  participle  ;  when  with  aveir, 
we  shall  leave  that  space  blank  (it  should  be  noted,  however,  that 
those  OF.  verbs  which  usually  take  estre  are  sometimes  found 
with  aveir).  Often  a  tense  is  irregular  in  regard  to  the  stem  from 
which  we  expect  to  infer  it,  but  within  itself  regular — in  other 
terms,  all  of  its  forms  have  exactly  the  same  irregular  stem :  of 
such  tenses  only  the  1st  singular  will  be  given. 

It  should  be  constantly  borne  in  mind  that  the  various  tenses  are 
merely  inferred,  not  in  any  sense  derived,  from  the  principal  parts. 
The  above  table  is  intended  merely  as  an  aid  to  the  memory  ;  its 
arrangement  has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  the  laws  governing  verb 

development. 

In  the  irregular  verb  paradigms,  phonetic  symbols  and  diacritic 
marks  are  used  only  when  their  omission  might  involve  the 
student  in  difficulty.  Cf.  the  remark  immediately  preceding  337. 
If  the  stem-vowel  of  the  infinitive  recurs  in  other  forms  of  the  verb, 
it  is  phonetically  transcribed  only  in  the  infinitive  :  for  example,  in 
the  verb  doner,  the  o  is  written  o  only  in  the  infinitive,  though  it  is  to 
be  pronounced  o  (of  course  only  when  followed  immediately  by  >/ ) 
throughout  the  verb.  If  several  forms  of  a  tense  contain  the  same 
difficult  sound,  it  is  phonetically  transcribed  only  in  the  first  singular  : 
for  example,  in  the  present  subjunctive  of  aler,  oLis  written  fi  only  in 
the  first  singular,  though  it  is  to  be  pronounced  $i  throughout  that 
tense,  d  and  t  are  invariably  distinguished  from  d  and  f. 


114         CONJUGATION— SECOND   OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD 


1)   aler(  origin 
unknown) 


alant 


irai 


alei 


sui  alet 


vpise 

voises 

voiset  voist  aillet 

voisons  aillons 

voisez  ailliez 

voisent  aillent 


aille  (pronounced 
allies      al'e—  200) 


vpis  alai 

vdis  vas 

vait  va 

alons 

alez 

vont 


va  vas 

alons 

alez 


2)    doner(<i  dondre}      donant 


donerai 

doinse 

or 

doinses 

donrai 

doinst 

or 

doinsons 

dorrai 

doinsez 

doinsent 

donet 


doins 

dones 

donet 

donons 

donez 

donent 


done 


lonai 


3)   pruver«prpbdre)    pruvant 
\_pruver,  prover, 
and  prouver — 91]     pruisse 


pruvet 


pruis 

prugves 

pruevet 

pruvons 

pruvez 

pruevent 


Exactly  like  pruver  are  inflected  ruver  and  truver 


prueve 


WEAK,   II.   A  115 

Weak,  IL  a 

362.  Cf.  338.  1.     Weak,  II.  a,  unlike  Weak,  I  (351),  was  not 
augmented   during  the  second  period.     On  the  contrary,  during  the 
second  period  many  verbs  originally  in  II.  a,  adopted  the  endinga  of 
II.  b. 

363.  Present  Indicative 

part  cu$vr  $  «VL.  *cgpero  =  CL.  cfflfpMo;  cf.  348.  1) 

part  s  [parz]        eugvr  $s 

par  t  cugvr  $t 

part  ons  cyvr     ons 

part  ets  \_partez~\   cyvr    ets  [cuvrez] 

part  $nt  cugvr  $nt 

Cf.  339.  During  the  second  period  the  type  cuevre  did  not  influence 
the  type  part  (352)  :  part,  parz,  part  remain  without  f.  Verbs  of  the 
type  part  add  during  the  thirteenth  century  an  -s  to  the  1st  singular 
(part  s  [j)arz] )  from  analogy  with  the  corresponding  form  of  II.  b 
(373).  The  occasional  2d  plurals  in  -iez  were  soon  supplanted  by 
forms  in  -ez — cf.  352. 

364.  Present  Subjunctive 

part  q 

part  $s 

part  $t 

part  ons 

part  ets  \_partez\ 

part  $nt 

Cf.  340.     During  the  second  period  -ions  and  -iez  are  adopted  (353). 

365.  Imperfect  Indicative 

part  6i§ 

part  6i$s 

part  eit 

part  iiens 

part  iiets  [partiiez\ 

part  ei$nt 


116         CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

Cf.  341.  The  dissyllabic  endings  -i-iens  and  -i-iez  soon  became 
monosyllabic  -iens  and  -iez  ;  then  for  the  former  was  substituted  -igns, 
by  analogy  with  the  ending  of  the  1st  plural  present  subjunctive 
(353). 

366.  Perfect  Indicative 

part  i 
part  is 
part  it 
part  lm$s 
part  istqs 
part  irqnt 

Cf.  342.  1.  -ismes  was  adopted  during  the  second  period  (355). 
Toward  the  end  of  the  period  the  1st  singular  added  -s  from  analogy 
with  Strong,  II  (386). 

367.  Imperfect  Subjunctive 

part  issq 

part  issqs 

part  ist 

part  issons 

part  isseit*  [partisseiz] 

part  issqnt 

Cf.  343-  -issions  and  -issiez  are  adopted  during  the  second  period 
(356). 

368.  Future  and  Conditional 

part  irdi  part  ireig 

part  iras  part  ireigs 

part  irat  part  ireit 

part  irons  part  iriiens 

part  ireiz  part  iriiets  [partiriiez'] 

part  iront  part  ireignt 

Cf.  337.  2.  b  ;  and  344.  3.  For  the  subsequent  development  of  these 
endings,  cf.  357. 


IRREGULAR  VERBS  OF  WEAK,  II.  A 


117 


369.  Imperative 

part  cugvr  $  (<VL.  *cgperi — cf.  348.  1) 

part  gns  cy,vr    ons 

part  ez  cuvr    ez 

Cf.  337.  2.  d.  The  plural  endings  have  been  explained  in  339. 
Verbs  of  the  type  part  add,  in  the  thirteenth  century,  an  -8  to  the  2d 
singular  (part  s  \_parz]  )  from  analogy  with  the  corresponding  form  of 
II.  b  (373). 

370.  Infinitive :  part  ir.     Cf.  344.  1. 

371.  Present  Participle:  part  ant.     Cf.  345. 
Past  Participle :  part  it.    Cf.  346. 

Irregular  Verbs  of  Weak,  II.  a 


1)    bulir  «bollire-) 
\bulir,  bolir, 
and  boulir — 91] 


buldrai 


bulant         bulit 


bul'e  [buille] 


2)  coillir (<*cpllegire)  eoillant 
(pronounced  cpl'ir) 


coillit 


coldrai  [coildrai] 


cu$l'e  [cueille] 


bul'  [buiF] 

buls 

bull 

bulons 

bulez 

bul'ent  [buillenf] 

cu$l'  [cueit\ 

cuelz 

cuelt 

cyl'ons  \coillons\ 

cql'iez  (339) 

cuel'ent  [cueillenf] 


buli 

Imperative 
bul 


coilli 


3) 


cuvrir  (  <  *cpj»erire)  cuvrant 
[cuvrir,  covrir, 
and  couvrir — 91] 


cuv^rt 


cuvr 


cuvrgrai 


cuevres 

cuevret 

cuvrons 

cuvrez 

cuevrent 


118         CONJUGATION— SECOND   OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD 

Like  cuvrir  is  inflected  sufrir,  excepting  that  the  stem  sufr-  is  invariable. 

4)    eissir  ( <C  exire)          eissant        eissut  is  eissi 

is 


eistrai 


sui  eissut 


eissons 

eissiez  (339) 
issent 


As   infinitive    we  find  also  eistre.     Throughout  the  verb  ei  may  be 
replaced  by  i  :  issir,  etc. 

5)  falir«*f attire)       falant          falit  fal'  [fail']       fall 

fans 

fdut     Imperative 

fdudrai  (174)  fate  [faille']  falons        fal 

falez 
fal'ent 
Exactly  like  falir  is  inflected  salir. 

6)  ferir«fenre)  ferant        ferit  fier  feri 


ferrai 


fiere 
fieres 
fieret 


ferons 

jerez 

fierent 

hddir«*hatire')      hadant        hadit 


hadrai 


hatse  \_hace] 


hdis 

hez 

het 

hadons 

hadez 

hedent 


hadi 


WEAK,   II.   B 
8)    orfir«  audire)  odant  odit 


odrai 


9)    o/rir«  *$ 


y$  [pie—  151] 


fiyei 

giyons  [oiions] 
fyiez  (340) 


of  rant  ofert 


gt 

pdons 

pdez 


ofre 


119 
odi 


ofri 


ofrqrai 
1O  )    vestir(  <  vestire) 


vestant         vestal 


Weak,  II.  b 


vest 


vesti 


372.  Cf.  338.  1.    This  class  was  during  the  second  period  aug- 
mented by  processes  similar  to  those  which  augmented  AVeak,  I  (cf. 
351)  ;  and  by  the  transference  into  it  of  several  verbs  which  during 
the  first  period  had  belonged  to  II.  a. 

373.  The  following  tenses  differ  from  II.  a  : 


Pres.  Ind.      fen  is 

fen  is 
fen  ist 
fen  issons 
fen  issiez 
fen  issgnt 

Imperf.  Ind.  fen  isseie, 
fen  isseie^ 
fen  isseit 
fen  issiiens 
fen  issiiets[-iiez'] 
fen  iss£i$nt 


Pres.  Subj.  fen  is*? 
fen  issp 
fen  isstf 
fen  issons 
fen  issiez 
fen  issqut 

Pres.  Part  fen  issant 

Imperative  fen  is  «  VL. 

fen  issons  )    (analogical 

>  developmenta 
fen  issiez  )    — cf.  339) 


CONJUGATION- SECOND   OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD 

Cf.  339  :  340  ;  341  ;  345  ;  and  337.  2.  d.  The  subsequent  develop- 
ment of  the  endings  is  the  same  as  that  of  the  corresponding  endings 
of  II.  a. 

373*.  Irregular  Verb  of  Weak,  II.  b 

guarir«*gwarire)          guari&aht          guarit          guarit  guari 

(pronounced  garir) 
guarrai 

Weak,  III  (338.  1) 

374.  Present  Indicative       Present  Subjunctive 

rent  rend  $ 

rent    s\_renz~\  rend  gs 

ren     t  rend  $t 

rend  on*  rend  on* 

rend  et<[rendez]  rend  et*[rendez~\ 

rend  pit  rend  pit 

Cf.  339  and  340.  The  subsequent  development  was  identical  with 
that  of  verbs  of  II.  a— of .  363  and  364. 

375.  Imperfect  Indicative 

rend  eiq 
rend  ei$s 
rend  eit 
rend  fi"e?w 
rend  iiet*[rendiiet'] 
rend  &\(>nt 
Cf.  341.     For  subsequent  development,  cf.  365. 

376.  Perfect  Indicative 

rend  i 

rend  is 

rend  iet 

rend 

rend 

rend  iedrpit 


WEAK,   III  121 

Cf.  342.  2.  During  the  thirteenth  century  the  3d  singular  and  the 
3d  plural  adopted  the  endings  of  II.  a,  and  the  subsequent  develop- 
ment of  all  the  endings  was  the  same  as  for  verbs  of  II.  a  (366). 

377.  Imperfect  Subjunctive 

rend  iesg 

rend  isse* 

rend  ist 

rend  issgns 

rend  isseits  [rendisseiz] 

rend  issgnt 

Cf.  343.     For  subsequent  development,  cf.  367. 

378.  Future  and  Conditional 

rend  rdi  rend  rei§ 

rend  ras  rend  rcies 

rend  rat  rend  re  it 

rend  rgns  rend  riicns 

rend  reiz  rend  riieit>[rendriiez] 

rend  rgnt  rend  reiqnt 

Cf.  337.  2.  b  ;  and  344.  3.     For  subsequent  development,  cf.  357. 

379.  Imperative:  rent«V1L.  rende) 

rend  ons  j  ftnal    ical  developmenta-cf.  339. 
rend  ez    j 

Cf.  337.  2.  d.     For  suosequent  development,  cf.  369. 

380.  Infinitive :    rend  r%.     Cf.  344.  1. 

381.  Present  Participle:  rend  ant.    Cf.  345. 
Past  Participle  :        rend  ut.     Cf.  346. 


122         CONJUGATION— SECOND   OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 


381*. 


Irregular  Verbs  of  Weak,  III 


1)  ndistre«  *ndscere~)  naissant  (136)  net 

and 
nascut 


nais          nasqui 
nais      (pronounced 
naist          naski) 
nais  ons    nasquis 
naissiez     nasquit 
sui  net      (339)     nasqmmqs 
naissent   nasquistes 
nasquirqnt 


2)  veintre(_<i  vencere)       veinquant 
(pronounced  vgintre) 


veincut 


veinc 
veins 
veint 

veinquons 
veinquiez 
(339) 


veinqui 
(The  re- 
mainder 
of  the 
tense 
like 


veinquent   nasqui^ 


vivre(  <C  vivere) 


vivant 


vescitt 


vif 
(339. 
Note) 


vesqm 
(The  re- 
mainder 
of  the  tense 
like  nasqui') 


Strong  Verbs 


382.  The  strong  verbs  are  all  irregular  verbs  :  some  are  so  inas- 
much as  they  depart,  in  their  non-perfect-stem  tenses,  from  the 
paradigms  of  Weak,  III  (cf.  the  last  sentence  of  338);  others, 
inasmuch  as  they  depart,  in  their  perfects,  from  the  paradigms  of  382, 
386,  and  404  ;  still  others  are  irregular  in  both  respects  ;  and  the 
few  which  are  irregular  in  neither  of  these  respects  are  nevertheless 
usually  considered  as  irregular  verbs  because  of  their  past  participles, 
for  so  varied  are  strong  past  participles  (cf.  346  and  350)  that  it  is 
impossible  to  fix  upon  a  satisfactory  norm  for  them.  We  shall  present 
the  strong  verbs,  then,  in  the  manner  explained  in  361.  We  shall 


STRONG,   I  123 

not  need  to  give  every  strong  verb,  as  quite  often  one  is  the  mod*  1  i«.r 
several  others.  In  order  to  find  by  which  model  a  strong  verb  is 
inflected,  the  reference  list  of  irregular  verbs  (431)  may  be  con- 
sulted. 

Since  the  strong  verbs  fall  naturally  into  three  classes,  not  only 
because  of  differences  of  VL.  provenience,  but  also  because  of  differ- 
ences in  the  resultant  OF.  forms  (cf.  338.  2),  we  shall  present  them 
in  three  lists.  Before  each  list  we  shall  give  paradigms  (of  ca.  1100) 
for  the  perfect  indicative  and  the  imperfect  subjunctive  of  the  class  hi 
question. 

Strong,  I 
Perfect  Indicative 

mt 

v$d  is 
m  t 
v$d 


vid  rqnt 

Cf.  338.  2  ;  342.  3  ;  349.  Before  the  end  of  the  second  period  the 
1st  singular  added  -s  from  analogy  with  the  corresponding  form  of 
Strong,  II  (386),  thereby  becoming  vis  (274).  -ime*  becomes  -ismes 
(355).  Kemember  what  is  said  in  the  remark  immediately  pre- 
ceding 351  in  regard  to  second  period  phonological  development: 
v$dis,  for  example,  becomes  vis  by  271  and  273. 

383.  Imperfect  Subjunctive 


v$d  issons 


124         CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH  PERIOD 


Cf.  343.     During  the  second  period  these  endings  developed  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  like  endings  explained  in  367. 

384.  Strong,  I  consists  of  only  three  verbs  :  vedeir  ;  venir  ;  and 
tenir  «  VL.  *tenire  =  CL.  tenere),  which  is  conjugated  exactly  like 
venir,  excepting  that  its  past  indefinite  is  ai  tgnut. 

vedeir  (<^vedere)      vedant 


veie  (pronounced 
veiyq — 151) 


385. 
venir «  venire} 

vandrai[vendrai] 


venant 


viene  [yieigne — 203] 

vienes 

viehet 

v$hons  \yeignons\ 

v^niez 

vienent 


vedut 

vei 

vit 

veiz 

veit 

;d 

vedons 

vedisse 

vedez 

veident 

veit 

vedons 

vedez 

vqnut 

vm  \ying\ 

vin 

sui  vqnut 

viens 

vqnis 

vient 

vlnt 

203] 

vqnons 

vqnimes 

venez 

vgnistes 

vienent 

vlndrent 

vien 

vqnons 

vqnez 


vqnisse 


STRONG,   II  126 

Strong,  II 

386,  Perfect  Indicative 

Type  1  Type  2  Type  3 

j- '•  i'. 

mi  s  aui    s  plain  8 

m$  sis  dui  sis  plain  sis 

mi  st  dui  st  plain  st 

m§  simgs  dui  simqs  plain  simgs 

m$  sistgs  dui  sistqs  plain  sistgs 

mi  strqnt  dui  strgnt  plain  strgnt 

Cf.  338.  2  ;  342.  3  ;  349.  In  the  three  verbs  given  above  the  end- 
ings are  exactly  the  same.  Why,  then,  are  three  paradigms  neces- 
sary? Partly  because  of  differences  (between  Type  1  on  the  one  hand 
and  Types  2  and  3  on  the  other)  in  handling  the  stem-vowel,  but 
mainly  because  they  represent  the  points  of  departure  of  three  different 
lines  of  development  during  the  second  period  :  ( 1 )  Verbs  ending  in 
-is,  from  analogy  with  the  perfect  of  vedeir  (382),  came  to  be  con- 
jugated as  follows  :  mi  s,  m$  is  (>  mis  by  271),  mi  st,  m$  imp,  m$ 
istqs,  mi  rqnt.  (2)  Verbs  in  -uis  (and  a  few  others  of  various  end- 
ings), from  analogy  with  Weak,  II.  a  (366),  came  to  be  conjugated 
as  follows  :  dui  sis,  dui  sis,  dui  sit,  dui  simes,  dui  sistes,  dui  si  rent. 
(3)  Verbs  in  -ns,  adopting  the  endings  of  Weak,  II.  a,  and  their  own 
present-stems,  came  to  be  conjugated  as  follows  :  plan  ia[plaignia}f 
plan  is,  plan  it,  plan  imes,  plan  istes,  plan  irent.  Of  course  -tinea 
became  -ismes  (355). 

387.  Imperfect  Subjunctive 


Type  1 

Type  2 

Type  3 

raf  s 

ss$ 

dui   81886 

plain  8i88e 

me  s 

ss$s 

dui  sisses 

plain  sisses 

me  s 

st 

dui  sist 

plain  sist 

me  si 

ssons 

dui  sissons 

plain  sissons 

me  s 

sseiz 

did  ttattil 

plain  sissei* 

me  S' 

ssqnt 

dui  sissent 

plain  sis&nt 

126      CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 


Cf.  343.  The  subsequent  development  of  these  three  types  corresponds 
to  that  of  the  three  types  of  the  perfect  indicative,  as  explained  in 
386  :  m$  iss$,  dui  sissg,  and  plan  issg  [plaignisse],  etc.  For  the 
subsequent  development  of  the  endings,  cf.  367. 

388. 


ardeir«  ardere) 


ardant 


ars 


arge  (pronounced 
ardze— 153) 


As  infinitive  we  find  also  ardre. 


art          ars  (Type  2) 

arz 

art 

ardons 

ardez 

ardent  (339.  Note) 


Like  ardeir  is  conjugated  mprdre  «  *m?rdere),  excepting  that  its 
stein-vowel  is  always  p,  and  that  it  has  no  infinitive  in  -eir.  Like 
ardeir  are  also  conjugated  espardre  (<^spargere~),  syrdre  (<^sorgere), 
terdre  «t$rgere),  tyrdre  «*£prcere),  excepting  that  their  infinitive 
stem-vowels  reappear  in  all  other  forms,  that  their  present  indicative 
2d  singulars  end  in  -s  (espars,  etc. ),  and  that  they  have  no  infinitives 
in  -eir. 


389. 


e')        crqmant 
(pronounced  crambre—47.  2) 


crandrai  [crendrai] 


cneme 

criemes 

criemet 

crqmons 

crqmez 

criement 


crent       crien      cr  ens  (Type  3) 
criens 
orient 
crqmons 
crqmez 
criement 
(339.  Note) 


Toward  the  end  of  the  second  period  all  forms  of  this  verb  become  by 
analogy  like  those  of  plaindre  (397)  :  infinitive  crdindre  ,  present 
participle  cranant[craignanf]  ;  etc. 


STRONG,   II  127 

39O. 

dire«dicere)  disant  dit          di  dis 

dis  (Type  1) 

dit 
die  dim$s  disona 

ditqs  devisee 

dient 

Bgnqdir  may  be  inflected  like  dire,  or  in  accordance  with  Weak,  II. 
b  ;  it  also  has  an  irregular  perfect  indicative  benesqui  (inflected  like 
nasqui — 381^.  1),  and  an  irregular  past  participle  benedeit. 

Like  dire  is  conjugated  despire  «despecere),  excepting  that  its 
present  indicative  plural  is  despisons,  -iez,  -ent,  and  that  its  present 
subjunctive  is  despise,  etc. 

391. 

dilire(<^  dticere)  duisant         duit         dui  duis 

(Type  2) 

duie 

Like  duire&re  conjugated  cuire  «  *c^cere),  edruire  «*e«tr^^ere), 
and  luire  «  *lucere),  excepting  that  the  stems  of  their  present  sub- 
junctives and  of  their  present  indicative  3d  plurals  end  in  *  (cui*e, 
etc.) 

392. 

/ 
€8Crivre«  escribere*)      escrivant       escrit     escrif  etcri* 

eseris  etcrpis  etc. 

escrit 

escrivons 

escrivez          escrpis* 

etcrivent  (339.  Note) 


128      CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

The  perfect  indicative,  although  inflected  ca.  1100  according  to  Type  1, 
did  not  develop  as  Type  1  did.  Toward  the  end  of  the  second  period 
we  find  escrivis,  escrivis,  escrivit,  etc. 

393. 

fdire«facere)  faisant        fait     faz  faiz  /is ( Type  1) 

fais 

fait 

f§rai  face  (pronounced  faimes  faisons   fqsisse 

false— 198)         faiths 

font 


fai 

f dimes  faisons 

faites 

394. 

ma/ieir«  manere)     manant        mes     main\maing]  mes 

mains  masis 

mdint  mest 

mandrai  mahe[maigne~]       manons  masimes 

manez  masistes 

mainent  mestrjnt 


main  masisse 

During  the  second  period  this  verb  became  in  all  its  forms  like  plaindre 
(397).     Cf.  389. 

395. 

metant  mis       mU  mis  (Type  1) 

mite  mgsisse 


STRONG,    II  129 

396. 

OCldre(<*aucidere')  ocidant        ocis          ocii  OCM 

(pronounced  Ociz  (Type  1) 


Ocit 

ocidons  oc^sisse 

ocidez 

ocident(339.  Note) 
397. 

plaindre«pldngere)       planant    plaint     plain[  pitting]     plains 
[plaignant]  plains  (Type  3) 

plaint 

planons  [  ))liignoni\ 
plahiez[]>/aigniez] 
p  lanent  [  p  la  ignenf] 

Like  plaindre  are  conjugated  all  verbs  in  -aindre,  -eindre,  and  -oindre. 

398. 

prendre(  <C  prendere)       prqnant       pris       pren  pris 

(pronounced  prandre)  (Pr(>-  (Type  1) 

nounced 
prgne[preigne]      pran}  prpitsc 

399. 

querre(<,  qufrere)             quqrant  quis         quier                   quit 

(pronounced  k$rrq  (Type  1) 
-154) 

quiere  quqtiue 


quieret 
quqrons 
quqre.z 
quierent 


As  infinitive  we  find  also  qu$rir. 


130        CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

4OO. 

ridre«  *ridere)         ridant          ris         rit  rts(Type  1) 

riz 
rit 

ridons  rgsisse 

ridez 
rident(339.  Note) 

Like  ridre  are  conjugated  clgdre  «  claudere),  concludre  «  c$n- 
cludere),  and  escoudre  (<^  excotere),  excepting  that  their  infinitive 
stem-vowels  reappear  in  all  other  forms. 


401. 
sedeir(  <  seder  e  ) 


4O2. 


sedant 

siede 

siedes 

siedet 

sedons 

sedez 

siedent 


sis 


siet 


«w(Type 


siet  sesisse 

sedons 
sedez 
8iedent(339.  Note) 


soldre  (  <  s§  here  )       so  Ivant 


solt       su$l'[sueit] 
and       su$ls 
sols       suglt 

sgl'e  \soille]  salons 

sylez 
suglent 


2) 


403. 
trdire  (  <  *trdgere  )     traiant 


trait       trai 


trais(Type  2) 


STRONG,   HI  131 

Strong,  III 

4O4.  The  verbs  of  this  class  are  all  alike  as  regards  their  proveni- 
ence— their  perfects  all  coming  from  VL.  perfects  in  -ui — but  from  the 
OF.  standpoint,  on  account  of  numerous  small  differences  both  in  end- 
ings and  stems,  they  must  be  divided  into  five  types.  All  of  these 
types  (except  Type  4)  differ  from  Strong,  I  and  Strong,  II,  inasmuch 
as  in  practically  all  of  their  perfect  indicative  and  imperfect  sub- 
junctive endings  u  is  present,  and  in  all  of  them  s  is  absent.  Type  4, 
as  far  as  the  OF.  forms  of  ca.  1100  are  concerned,  might  be  consid- 
ered as  of  Strong,  I,  but  in  provenience  and  second  period  develop- 
ment it  is  of  Strong,  III.  Notice  that  Type  5  is  strong  (338)  only 
from  the  standpoint  of  Vulgar  Latin  ;  in  Old  French  it  has  no  stein- 
stressed  forms. 

Perfect  Indicative 
Type  1 


us 

t 


§u  r$nt 

Type 


Type  2 

Type  3 

diu«  debui) 

rah'(  <  n$w 

d§  us 

nq  us 

du  t 

nu  t 

d§  umqs 

v 
nq  um$s 

d$  ustqs 

nq  ustqs 

du  rqnt 

nu  r$nt 

4 

Type  5 

val  ui«valni) 

l) 
vol-,  and 

val  us 

i-,  cf.  91] 

val  ut 

val  um$s 

val  uslgs 

val  urqnt 

v?l  t 

vul  im$s 

vul  ist$s 

vpl  dr$nt 

Cf.  338.  2  ;  342.  3  ;  349.  During  the  second  OF.  period,  txrif 
(which  was  the  only  verb  of  Type  4)  was  completely  assimilated  to 
Type  5,  becoming  vului  (231),  vulus,  etc.  Toward  the  end  of  the 
period  all  the  1st  singulars  adopted  the  ending  -us,  from  analogy  with 


132         CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

Strong,  II  :  for  example,  valus.  All  the  1st  plurals  inserted  an  8 
(355).  The  ending-stressed  forms  of  Types  1,  2,  and  3  became  us 
[eus\ ,  umq s,  ustqs  ;  dus,  dumqs,  dustqs  ;  nils,  numqs,  nustqs  ;  in  Type 
2  these  developments  were  normal  (271);  in  Types  1  and  3  they  were 
from  analogy  with  Type  2. 

4O5.  Imperfect  Subjunctive 

Type  1  Type  2  Type  3 

g  uss$  d§  ussq  ng  ussq 

o  ussgs  de  ussqs  no  iissqs 

o  ust  de  ust  no  ust 

o  ussgns  de  ussgns  no  ussgns 

o  usseiz  de  usseiz  no  usseiz 

o  ussqnt  de  ussqnt  no  ussqnt 

Type  4  Type  5 


vul 


val 


vul    ss$s  val  ussqs 

vul    st  val  ust 

vul    ssgns  val  ussgns 

vul  '  sseiz  val  usseiz 

vul    ssqnt  val  ussqnt 

Cf.  343  ;  349.  The  pretonic  vowels  of  Types  1,  2,  and  3  developed 
as  did  the  pretonic  vowels  of  the  perfect  indicatives  (404).  During 
the  second  period  -ussons  and  -usseiz  became  -ussions  and  -ussiez  (356). 

406. 
aveir(  <C  abere)  avant  gut  di  oi(Type  1) 


ousse 


avant 
and 

gut 
and 

di 

as 

aiant 

§ut 

at 

(pronounced 
diyant—  152) 

avons 
avez 
out 

aveie 


STRONG,   III 


133 


4OT. 
beivre«  bebere) 

bgvrai 


4O8. 


chadrai 

and 
chgdrai 


aie  (pronounced 

dies    diy$ — 151) 

ait 

aions 

aiiez    (340) 

aient 


bgvant  bqut 


beive 

beives 

beivet 

bgvons 

bqvez 

beivent 


chqdant         chqdiit 

chiede 

chiedes 

chiedet 

chqdons 

chqdez 

chiedent 


aies 

aions 

aiiez 


beif 

(339. 

Note) 


bui 
(Type  2) 

beusse 


chiH 
chiez 
chiet 
chqdons 


chiedent 
(339.' Note) 


chedimrs 


As  far  as  these  OF.  forms  of  ca.  1100  are  concerned,  chadcir  is  an 
irregular  verb  of  Weak,  II.  a.  But  during  the  second  perio-l  it 
adopted,  in  the  perfect  indicative  and  imperfect  subjunctive,  the  end- 
ings of  Strong,  III,  Type  5. 


134        CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 


4O9. 


conoistre(<^  cpnnoscere)     conoissant      congut     conois  conui 


(pronounced  conoistre) 

41O. 
creidre«  credere) 

credrai 


411. 
creistre(  <crescere) 


and 
conqut 


crqdant          crgdut    creit 
creiz 


creide 

creides 

creidet 

crqdons 

crqdez 

creident 


(Type  3) 
conousse 

crui 
credits 
(Type  2) 


creit 
crqdons 
crgdez 

creident        crgdusse 
(339.  Note) 


creissant        crqut      creis 


crui 
(Type  2) 


412. 

CUrre«correre) 
[curre,  corre, 
and  courre — 66"1 


creusse 

currant         currut     cur  currui  • 

curs  (Type  5) 

curt 
currons 
currez 
current 


As  infinitive  we  find  also,  toward  the  end  of  the  second  period,  curir. 


413. 
deveir«  debere*) 


STRONG,   III 

devant  deut 


dele  deive 

deies  deives 

deiet  deivet 

deions  devons 

deiiez(S4Q)  devez 
deient  deivent 


dei 

dels 

deit 

devons 

devez 

deivent 


deif 


135 

dui 
(Type  2) 

deusse 


Deie  is  pronounced  deiy$  (151)  ;  deions  is  pronounced  deiyons  (152). 
414. 


duleir«do_lere} 
[duleir,  doleir, 
and  douleir — 91] 

duldrai 


415. 

ester«  estdre) 

estgrai 


dulant  dulut    du$l' \dueif]     dului 

dufls  (Type  5) 


dugl'e  [dueille~\ 
duffes 


dylons 
d\ilez 
duglent 
5  \_duillons, 
dyl'iez     doillons,  and 

douillom']         du^l 


estet  estfa 
estas 
estat 


estant 


estez 
estoni 


estui 
(Type  2) 


416. 

estuveir(  <*est?pere) 
(aii  impersonal 
verb — 'to  be 
necessary* ) 


estuveit 


tstiiissft 
and 
estuist 


136        CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLE  FRENCH  PERIOD 
417. 

S>    *o      ?£  «>> 

-S  -1  ir.i  •«  ^        * 
•fc^&ce      e. 


^}        Qi      "(-o      *< 

^    fe    ^    i 


00  ^ 


"I  'I  :S  :! 


$       V 


J»        ^      II 

6*  v    C 


v 
I 

8. 


2  g  g  £ 


STRONG,   III 


137 


gis         >t(Type2) 

gis 

gist 

ggsons   geusse 


418. 

gesir«jacere')  g$sant 

(pronounced 
ir—I5Q) 

gise 


ggrai  gisent 

Like   gesir  is   conjugated   the  impersonal  verb  leisir  «  lecere), 
excepting  that  wherever  gesir  has  g$-,  leisir  has  lei-. 

419. 

lire(.<%ere}  lisant  Iqut  li  Jw(Type2) 

lit 

lit          lensse 
li.ons 


lisent 

Lire  has  aiso  a  perfect  indicative  and  imperfect  subjunctive  inflected 
by  Strong,  II,  Type  1 :  Us,  etc. ;  lesisse,  etc. 

42O. 

mMJ*ir«  *mprfre)      murant          mgrt  muir      ?;inr?/i(Type  5) 

[rattnY,  morir,  mu^rs 

and  mourir — 91]  wmer£ 

?nwire  swi  mort      murons 

mures 
muerent 


421. 


muveir(  <  wpv^re)       muvant 
[muveir,  moveir, 
and  mouveir — 91] 
10 


and 
meut 


ww»(Type  3) 


(339. 
Note) 


138        CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD   FRENCH   PERIOD 


422. 


mugve 

mueves 

muevet 

muvons 

muvez 

muevent 


nuirai 

As  infinitive  we  find  also  nuire. 


423, 

pareir«parere') 


nyut 
and 


parant          parut      per 


mousse 


nuis  Tim' (Type  3) 


nousse 


parui(Tjpe  5) 


nre 


424. 


pltiisir«  placer  e)       plaisant        pfyut  plais  ploi(TypQ  1) 

and  plais 

plgut  plaist 

plairai  place  (pronounced  plaisons       plousse 


As  infinitive  we  find  also  plaire. 

425. 

pluveir  (  <C  *p  fyvere  )     j?  luvant 
[pluveir,  ploveir, 
and  plouveir — 91] 

jo/w^ve 

plueves 

pluevef. 

pluvons 

pluvez 

pluevent 


plaisent 


and         (339. 
pl$ut       Note) 


plousse 


STRONG,   III 


189 


426. 


pudeir(  <  *p$ere) 
[pudeir,  podeir 
and  poudeir — 91] 


pudant 


puis 


pup 

podus 

puet 

puisse 

pudons 

puisses 

pudez 

podusse 

puisset  puist 

puedent 

puissons 

puissiez(34:Q) 

puissent 

No  imperative 

427. 

receivre«recepere)  recgvant 

r$c$vrai  receive 

receives 
receivet 
recevons 
recevez 
receive  nt 

As  infinitive  we  find  also  rgceveir. 

428. 
saveir(  <  sapere)         sachant 


receut 


and 


sache(  pronounced 
.  1) 


receif 
(339. 
Note) 


sdi 

868 

set 

savons 
savez 
seveni 


sachet 

sachons 

sachie* 


recm(Type2) 


rrcruw 


*H(Type 


140        CONJUGATION— SECOND  OLD  FRENCH   PERIOD 

429. 

Vdleir«  valere}        valant  valut       val'[yail]       valui(Type  5) 

and  vdus 

vaillant  vdut 

vdudrai(174)  valons 

valez 
valeie  valent 


430. 


vaille( pronounced     No  imperative 
val'%— 200) 


)       vulant 
[vuleir,  voleir,  and 

and  vouleir — 91]     vuillant 


vuldrai 


vuleie 


vulut 


vug  Is 


vylons 
vylez 


4) 


vugl'e  [vueille]  vu^l'es 

vu^l'es  vyl'ons 

vugl'et  vyl'iez 

vyl'ons  [vuillons,  voillons, 
vyl'iez(34Q')     and  vouillons] 
vugl'ent 

Vuleir  also  had  a  perfect  indicative  and  imperfect  subjunctive  inflected 
according  to  Strong,  II :  vpls,  vylsis,  etc. ;  vylsisse,  etc. 

Reference  List  of  Irregular  Verbs 

431.  Following  is  an  alphabetical  list  of  the  irregular  verbs  whose 
forms  have  been  given  in  tabular  form  (361)  in  the  preceding  sec- 
tions. We  have  thus  given  by  no  means  all  the  irregular  verbs  of 
Old  French.  Indeed,  a  regular  verb  being  one  all  of  whose  forms 


REFERENCE   LIST   OF   IRREGULAR   VERBS 


141 


may  be  inferred  from  the  principal  parts  (361),  almost  every  Old 
French  verb  of  ca.  1100  is  irregular  (339.  Note,  and  348).  Even 
chanter,  which  we  have  used  as  the  paradigm  for  Weak,  I,  ia  irregu- 
lar in  its  present  subjunctive  3d  singular,  as  may  be  seen  from  the 
table  in  361.  It  being  impracticable,  therefore,  to  give  in  tabular 
form  all  the  irregular  verbs,  we  have  presented  only  those  possessing 
the  greatest  number  of  irregularities,  and  those  possessing  the  most 
unusual  irregularities.  We  have  not  given,  however,  any  verb  of 
very  rare  usage.  In  the  following  list  compounds  presenting  no 
peculiarity  are  omitted  if  the  simple  verb  occurs.  The  references 
are  to  sections. 


361.   1 

.   388 


aler 

ardeir  j 
ardre  J  ' ' 

ascrivre 392 

ataindre 397 

aveir 406 

beivre 407 

benedir 390 

bulir 3711/2.  1 

ceindre 397 

chadeir 408 

chaleir 429 

clodre 400 

coillir .' 3711/2.  2 

conceivre  )  ^y 
conceveir  j 

concludre 400 

conoistre 409 

creidre 410 

creistre 411 

crembre • 

cuire 

curir  j 
curre  J  ' 


391 
412 


cuvrir 37iy2.   3 

deceivre  )  ^"j 

deceveir  J 

despire 390 

deveir 413 

dire 390 

doner 361.  2 

duire 391 

duleir 414 

eissir  )  QMI/L    A 

.  .       I    Sil1. 

eistre  J 

escoudre 400 

escrivrc • 

cspardrc 

esteindrc 

ester 415 

estre 417 

estreindrt 

estruirc 

esturcir 

faire 393 

faJir ...   371%.  5 

feindre.? 397 

ferir 371%.  6 


142 


REFERENCE   LIST   OF   IRREGULAR   VERBS 


fraindre 397 

gesir 418 

gembre 389 

guarir 373% 

hadir .   371%.  7 

issir 3711/2.  4 

joindre 397 

leisir 418 

lire 419 

luire 391 

maneir 394 

menteivre  | 
menteveir  j  * 

metre 395 

mordre 388 

muleir 414 

murir 420 

muveir 421 

naistre 381%.   1 

nuire 
nuisir 

ocidre 396 

odir.. 371%.  8 

ofrir 371%.  9 

oindre 397 

paindre 397 

pareir 423 

peindre 397 

perceivre  1 

l 427 

perceveir  j 

plaindre 397 

plaire  1 
plaisir  J 
pluveir 425 


422 


424 


399 


poindre 397 

prembre 389 

prendre 398 

pruver 361.    3 

pudeir 426 

querir 
querre 
raembre 389 

receivre  ) 

I .  .  427 

receveir  j 

ridre 400 

ruver 361.  3 

•salir 371%.   5 

saveir 428 

sedeir 401 

soldre 402 

sufrir 371%.  3 

suleir 414 

surdre 388 

taire 
taisir 

teindre 397 

tenir 385 

terdre 388 

tordre 388 

traire 403 

truver '.....    361.   3 

valeir 429 

vedeir 384 

veintre 381%.  2 

venir 385 

vestir 371%.    10 

vivre 381%.  3 

vuleir. .  .430 


424 


APPENDIX 

How  to  Use  this  Book 

This  book  has  two  purposes  :  (1)  to  introduce  students  to  the  diffi- 
cult subject  of  Old  French  Phonology  aud  Morphology  ;  and  (2)  to 
prepare  them  to  use  a  grammar  (the  so-called  Schwan-Behrens)  which 
will  carry  them  far  beyond  the  introductory  stage.  Both  of  these 
purposes  may  be  best  served  by  the  system  of  written  exercises  ex- 
plained in  the  following  pages. 

Before  the  student  is  asked  to  prepare  any  written  exercises,  he 
should  read  §§  1  to  206,  so  that  he  may  understand  the  arrange- 
ment and  method  of  presentation  of  those  paragraphs.  The  teacher 
should  also  explain  how  Korting'  s  Lateinisch-Romanisches  Worterbuch, 
the  Dictionnaire  General  of  Hatzfeld  and  Darmesteter,  and  the 
RomaniscTies  Etymologisches  Worterbuch  of  Meyer-Liibke  may  be  used 
for  finding  the  Vulgar  Latin  words  from  which  Old  French  words  are 
derived. 

The  teacher  should  then  give  the  student  some  word  whose  develop- 
ment presents  no  phonetic  irregularities  and  involves  no  questions  of 
morphology  ;  such  a  word,  for  example,  as  Mai.  Supplying  the 
student  with  no  further  information  than  that  the  orthography  of  the 
word,  about  the  year  1100,  was  Mai,  he  should  ask  him  to  write,  with 
the  aid  of  §  §  1  to  206,  the  phonetic  history  of  the  development  of 
the  word  out  of  Vulgar  Latin  into  Old  French. 

For  pedagogical  reasons  which  will  be  obvious,  the  student  should 
be  required  to  present  his  work  in  some  conventional  manner.  The 
effectiveness  of  the  following  method  has  been  proved  by  experience. 
At  the  top  of  the  page  should  stand  what  may  be  called  the  history  in 
brief  of  the  word's  development.  This  should  consist  of  (1 )  the  pho- 
netic transcriptipn  of  the  Vulgar  Latin  word,  which  may  be  obtained 
by  taking  it  as  it  stands  in  Korting,  or  the  Dictionnaire  Gcntral,  or 
Mcyer-Lubke,  and  rewriting  it  in  accordance  with  §§  15  to  30  of 
the  grammar;  (2)  the  Classical  Latin  form  of  the  won!,  in  parentheses, 

143 


144  APPENDIX 

with  all  quantities  carefully  marked  ;  (3)  the  sign  >,  followed  by  the 
phonetic  transcription  of  the  word  as  it  was  about  1100 ;  and  (4)  the 
orthography  of  1100,  in  brackets. 

In  writing  this  'history  in  brief,'  the  student  should  observe  the 
following  rules,  which  are  designed  to  make  him  use  all  diacritic 
marks  which  ire  pedagogically  useful,  and  not  to  use  any  which  would 
distract  his  attention  from  the  more  important  points  at  issue.  In 
writing  the  phonetic  transcription  of  the  Vulgar  Latin  word,  he  should 
mark  the  quality  of  the  tonic  vowel  and  of  the  initial-syllable  pretonic 
vowel.  In  writing  the  Classical  Latin  form,  he  should  mark  the  quan- 
tity of  every  vowel,  using  any  good  Latin  grammar  for  that  purpose. 
In  writing  the  phonetic  transcription  of  the  Old  French  word,  he 
should  mark  the  quality  of  each  vowel,  except  the  unstressed  vowels  of 
diphthongs  and  triphthongs.  In  writing  the  orthography  of  1100,  he 
should  enclose  it  in  brackets,  so  that  he  may  become  accustomed  to  the 
device,  used  throughout  this  grammar,  of  indicating  orthography  by 
brackets.  Accents  should  be  used  very  carefully.  They  should 
always  be  used  in  the  phonetic  transcription  of  the  Vulgar  Latin  word, 
to  indicate  the  primary  and  secondary  stress.  They  should  never  be 
used  in  writing  the  Classical  Latin  word,  for  the  rules  for  Classical 
Latin  accent  are  simple  and  easily  remembered,  and  it  is  better  to  con- 
centrate one's  whole  attention  on  the  quantity  of  the  vowels.  In  the 
phonetic  transcription  of  the  Old  French  word,  accents  should  be  used 
only  to  show  which  of  the  vowels  of  a  diphthong  or  triphthong  receives 
more  stress.  There  is  no  need  of  using  them  to  mark  the  word-stress, 
for  the  primary  stress  may  be  placed  by  an  invariable  rule  (on  the 
ultima  unless  the  ultima  vowel  be  £,  in  that  case  on  the  penult),  and 
the  secondary  stress  is  of  little  importance.  In  writing  the  orthogra- 
phy of  11 00,  accents  should  be  used  only  in  those  rare  cases  where 
Old  French  orthography  really  used  them. 

Beneath  the  '  history  in  brief  should  stand,  on  the  student's  paper, 
a  detailed  explanation  of  the  development  of  each  sound  of  the  Vulgar 
Latin  word,  with  the  grammar  references  pertaining  to  each. 


APPENDIX  145 

If  the  student  follows  all  the  above  instructions,  his  written  exercise 
for  the  word  Mai  will  take  the  following  form  : 

mdyu  (Maj&m)  >  m$  [Mai\ 
179.        Initial  nasal  consonants  remain  intact. 
56.       a  and  epenthetic  i  combine  in  the  diphthong  di, 
which  then  becomes  the  sound  £i,  though   the 
orthography  continues  ai. 

151.  Posttonic  intervocal  y  remains  y,  at  the  same 
time  generating  an  epenthetic  i  after  the  preced- 
ing vowel.  But  when  the  y  comes  to  be  final 
in  OF, ,  it  disappears. 

78.  2.   Final   vowels  other  than  a  generally  disappear 
about  the  eighth  century. 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  point  out  that  the  student  cannot  arrive  at 
the  above  result  without  a  good  deal  of  preliminary  work.  He  cannot 
write  the  first  word  (mdyu)  of  his  'history  in  brief  until  he  has  found 
the  correct  form  of  the  second  (Maj&m) .  He  cannot  write  ihe  third 
word  until  he  has  looked  up  all  the  paragraphs  cited  below  the 
'history  in  brief*  (§§  179,  56,  151,  and  78.  2).  He  cannot  be  sure 
that  §  56  applies  to  the  question  in  hand  until  he  is  sure  that  § 
151  applies  also.  He  cannot  be  satisfied  with  his  final  result  unless 
the  phonetic  transcription  of  the  Old  French  word  is  such  as  to  allow 
the  orthography  which  the  teacher  has  given  him  at  the  outset.  Only 
after  he  has  followed  many  scents  far  enough  to  find  that  they  are 
false,  will  he  at  last  attain  the  correct  result,  the  correctness  of  which 
will  be  obvious  from  the  fact  that  the  various  elements  of  his  'history 
in  brief  fit  together.  But  by  that  time  he  will  not  only  fully  under- 
stand the  development  of  the  word  ;  he  will  also  have  learned  a  great 
deal  about  the  arrangement  of  the  grammar. 

The  following  words  are  suggested  as  offering  no  difficulties  which 
cannot  be  explained  by  §§  1  to  206  :  tiedes,  chanter,  peindre. 
Teachers  will  be  able  easily  to  provide  others. 


146  APPENDIX 

When  the  student  is  accustomed  to  these  simpler  etymological  prob- 
lems, he  will  be  ready  for  harder  ones.  First,  of  course,  he  should 
read  and  understand  the  remainder  of  the  grammar.  Then  he  should 
be  asked  to  explain  the  development  of  words  out  of  the  Vulgar  Latin 
and  through  both  Old  French  periods,  and  should  be  given  words, 
moreover,  which  involve  questions  of  morphology.  Let  us  suppose, 
for  example,  that  he  is  set  the  task  of  writing  the  complete  history  of 
traissistes. 

As  in  the  case  of  the  simpler  problems,  the  teacher  is  to  supply 
only  the  information  that  about  1100  the  orthography  of  the  word  was 
traissistes.  The  student  should  know  enough  to  realize,  from  the  end- 
ing of  the  word,  that  it  is  a  verb.  It  will  not  be  difficult  for  him  to  find 
out,  either  by  consulting  the  Reference  List  of  Irregular  Verbs  on  pp. 
141-2,  or  by  search  in  Korting  or  the  Dictionnaire  General,  that  it  is 
a  form  of  the  verb  traire.  That  conclusion  once  reached,  the  expla- 
nation of  the  word  will  require  only  persistent  thumbing  of  the  gram- 
mar. The  result  should  be  as  follows  : 

traksestis  (Jraxtsii*?)  ^>  trgisisti^s  [traissistes] 

115.        Initial  dental  mutes  remain  intact. 

169.        Postconsonantal  r  remains  intact. 
90.        Pretonic  a  -j-  epenthetic  i  results  in  di,  which  then 
becomes  |i,   though  the   orthography   remains    ai. 

158.  1.  When  the  group  palatal  -J-  consonant  follows  a 
vowel,  the  palatal  becomes  y,  which  then  palatalizes 
the  consonant.  This  palatalization  then  disappears, 
but  not  before  generating  an  epenthetic  i  after  the 
preceding  vowel. 

131.  Postconsonantal  s  remains  5,  written  ss  when  inter- 
vocal. 

342.  3.  The  OF.  Perfect  Indicative  1st  and  2d  plural  end- 
ings of  Strong,  II  are  from  analogy  with  Weak,  II. 
Instead,  therefore,  of  explaining  the  development  of 


APPENDIX  147 

VL.  -estis.  we  must  explain  how  the  VL.  ending 
-istis  of  a  form  like  partistis  became  -istqs  (342.  1). 
36.        Checked  i  before  oral  consonants  remains  f. 

128.        Before  surd  mutes  s  remains  intact. 

122.  1.  In  primary  groups  which  did  not  come  to  be  final  in 
OF.,  t  remained  intact. 

342.  1.  The  retention,  in  the  OF.  ending  -istgs,  of  the  un- 
stressed vowel  of  the  VL.  ending  -isiix,  cannot  be 
satisfactorily  explained.  It  is  contrary  to  78.  3, 
which  states  that  ultima  vowels  (other  than  a)  fol- 
lowed by  a  single  consonant  generally  disappear 
about  the  eighth  century. 

132.        Final  s  remains  intact. 

tr£isist$s>  trg#it$s  [traissistes]  * 

272.  By  implication,  initial  tr  remains  unchanged  through- 
out the  period. 

270.  Initial-syllable  pretonic  diphthongs  standing  before 
a  consonant  usually  develop  like  the  corresponding 
tonic  diphthongs.  Therefore,  by  §223,  {i  becomes 
g  during  the  first  half  of  the  period.  This  g  re- 
mains intact,  except  when  it  comes  to  be  final. 
The  orthography  is  ai. 

272.  By  implication,  intervocal  s  remains  unchanged 
throughout  the  period. 

209.        Tonic  t  remains  intact. 

280.  Preconsonantal  s  becomes  silent  during  the  thir- 
teenth century,  though  it  remains  in  the  orthography. 

272.  By  implication,  postconsonantal  t  remains  un- 
changed throughout  the  period. 

*It  is  hardly  necessary  to  point  out  that  the  *  history  in  brief  of  the  second 
period  consists  of  three  parts  :  (1)  the  phonetic  transcription  of  the  word  of  about 
1100;  (2)  the  phonetic  transcription  of  the  word  of  about   1515;  and  (3)   t 
orthography  of  about  1515. 


APPENDIX 

265.         Unstressed  f  in  the  ultima  remains  intact. 
275.        Final  s  remains  intact. 

The  following  words  are  suggested  as  offering  no  difficulties  not  ac- 
counted for  in  this  book  :  nid,  ouvrer,  abregier,  tesmoign,  raison,  femme, 
vedistes,  plaisiez,  venges,  aimons.  The  teacher  will  be  able  easily  to 
supply  others. 

As  a  result  of  two  or  three  months  of  this  kind  of  work,  the  student 
will  gain  a  fundamental  knowledge  of  elementary  Old  French  phono- 
logy and  morphology,  upon  which  foundation  he  will  bs  able  to  build 
solidly,  no  matter  what  advanced  grammar  he  may  afterwards  use. 
If,  however,  his  advanced  grammar  is  the  Schwan-Behrens,  he  will 
have  the  advantage  of  knowing  from  the  first  how  to  use  it.  Thus  the 
two  aims  of  the  present  book  will  have  been  attained. 


3&g&&-+ 


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